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Private firms driving Russia’s new tech push in Ukraine war

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Private firms driving Russia’s new tech push in Ukraine war

Russia is introducing new technology into the Ukraine war. Will it help the Russians win in the conflict? Even more tantalizing, both were developed by private sector companies in Russia!

Russia and Ukraine often tout new products sold to the public as wunderwaffen. Soon it becomes clear that their role in the war is minimal, and the advertising moves on. Russia has launched two new products that promise a lot. But can they deliver?

The first, and perhaps the most important, is a new satellite communications system called Rassvet-3 (”Dawn”). It is Russia’s answer to Starlink, Elon Musk’s fabulous network of between 10,870 to 10,890 satellites.

Ukrainian frontline forces rely heavily on Starlink for Command, Control, Communications, Computers, Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (C4ISR). It enables live video streaming from reconnaissance and strike drones, real-time fire adjustments for artillery and rocket systems, and encrypted coordination between unit commanders and troops in the trenches.

The Russians were using Starlink until Elon Musk shut them down in early February, 2026 by implementing a combination of geofencing and terminal “whitelisting” to cut off Russian usage.

This forced Russia into trying to replicate broadband battlefield connectivity some other way. Initially, the Russians turned to “mesh networks” – essentially linking platforms (mainly UAVs) to provide broadband connectivity.

To achieve this, Russia scaled up the integration of small, digital mesh modems (frequently using frequency-hopping spread spectrum/FHSS technology in the 1.3–1.5 GHz band) into strike and reconnaissance drones.

​By David Johnson, Karel Matthee, Dare Sokoya, Lawrence Mboweni, Ajay Makan, and Henk Kotze (Wireless Africa, Meraka Institute, South Africa)

Mesh networks on drones and on ground nodes work, but not without problems. They are generally limited in coverage, so different mesh networks need to be maintained to provide coverage. Because signals are processed and reprocessed, delays happen (called latency).

Latency is a very bad thing if you are guiding a suicide drone to a target or warning about an incoming threat. Mesh networks also continually transmit, so the enemy can easily detect them, and respond either with jamming or by destroying the node.

Starlink, because it uses hundreds of satellites at a time, has very little latency (20 – 50 ms) and the multiplicity of satellites makes jamming difficult. The most common jamming approach is to blank out signals in a specific battle area provided there are capable jammers available.

(Starlink uses very high radio frequencies typically used by radars, including the Ku and Ka bands. Starlink also links satellites with laser communications, which are not jammable.)

As Ukraine began to attack Russian drones with innovative technology such as the Zirka counter drone which uses artificial intelligence and, once launched, operates autonomously, the Russians could not be sure mesh networks would survive.

Zirka counter drone

This led to the development of the Rassvet-3 (“Dawn”) satellite system. The first 12 to 15 satellites are already operational and Russia is rushing to build portable ground terminals so Rassvet can work on the battlefield.

Russia’s 12 to 15 satellites do not even come close to Starlink’s 10,000 in orbit. In fact, as of today, the coverage over Ukraine is around two to three communication windows per day, each lasting between 1 and 1.5 hours.

This is enough to work out bugs and test the satellite array, but not enough to provide sufficient coverage to meet the Russian army’s tactical needs. Russia launched another 16 satellites on July 19, but we do not yet have information on them. Russia’s goal is to have 156 satellites in orbit by the end of 2026.

Orbital launch Rassvet-3 on March 23, 2026, The launch was not announced.

Like Starlink, Rassvet-3 (which is in a somewhat higher orbit) uses Ka and Ku bands and supports inter-satellite laser communications (demonstrating data speeds up to 10 Gbit/s in testing) and support the 5G NTN (Non-Terrestrial Network) standard for direct satellite-to-cellular connectivity.

Rassvet provides encrypted military data relay, drone command-and-control links, and secure backhaul—filling the operational gap left after Russian access to Starlink was blocked.

Rassvet was developed by the private Russian technology firm Bureau 1440 (a subsidiary of the Yadro technology group) under the government’s broader Sfera space program, the project has been elevated to a top strategic priority for Moscow. YADRO is the flagship subsidiary and primary revenue generator of IKS Holding (ИКС Холдинг). 

IKS Holding is funding ~329 billion rubles (US$4 billion) of the total budget out of its own commercial capital, parent revenues, and private credit lines. Telecom giant MegaFon initially seeded the project in 2020 with 6 billion rubles, and Russian banking giant VTB Group acquired a 15% stake in 2021 for 2 billion rubles before the project was restructured under IKS Holding.

The Russian federal government committed 102.8–116 billion rubles (US$1.26–$1.3 billion) through its national “Data Economy” roadmap (“Advanced Space Systems and Services for the Period up to 2030.”)

Federal funds directly subsidize launch vehicle integration aboard Soyuz-2 rockets via Roscosmos, orbital frequency licensing, and manufacturing infrastructure for subscriber ground terminals.

The Rassvet project, therefore, is unique from an ownership and financial perspective and represents how Russia is finding ways to support high priority defense programs combining private sector and public investment.

Bureau 1440 also is charged with manufacturing terminals. Many of the components for the terminals are sourced in China and are commercial off-the-shelf systems (COTS). Terminal manufacturing could be a bottleneck for the Russians.

Because Rassvet is still in early days and not yet in widespread use, it remains to be seen if the system can meet its goals and provide the functionality the Russian army needs for Ukraine.

If it is successful, the Russians will have a functional alternative to Starlink to support military operations in Ukraine. Thus, the Rassvet project is real and not advertising. Once fully functional (end of 2026 to mid-2027), Russia will be able to match Starlink on the battlefield.

Jamming Starlink over Russian territory

Ukraine has been hitting critical infrastructure in Russia, both to retaliate for Russia’s attacks on Ukraine’s infrastructure and military targets and as part of a Ukrainian effort to embarrass the Russian government with heavy costs at home that, the campaign appears to hope, will force the Russians to the bargaining table with major concessions Ukraine could potentially accept.

(Russia has retaliated in part by destroying gas stations in Ukraine. There are localized fuel shortages in Russia because of Ukrainian attacks.)

While the Russians are able to shoot down many Ukrainian drones, enough of them get through and past Russian air defenses to create serious trouble for the Russian government, especially as Russian leaders keep emphasizing they are winning the war.

Independent analysts say that in the Moscow region and Crimea, where the Russians have layered air defenses, between 80% and 90% of Ukrainian drones are intercepted. In heavily defended airspace (such as around Moscow or major military hubs), Russian air defenses and electronic warfare (EW) jamming stop the vast majority of incoming long-range UAVs. In less well-defended places, a higher percentage get through.

Since most Ukrainian long-range drones rely on both GPS and Starlink, Russia has been seeking to improve its jamming capabilities, recognizing that jamming Starlink is challenging.

Volna Kupol Garant: Russia’s electronic weapon specifically designed to hunt Starlink. (Photo: Russian Ministry of Defense)

Russia is introducing a new jammer system dedicated to jamming Starlink. Known as Volna (”wave”) Kupol (”dome”) Garant, it was developed by the Crimean-based firm Rossiysky Kupol LLC, which is often styled in Russian media as AO Русский Купол or Russian Dome.

Kupol is a Crimean-based defense electronics contractor that has emerged as one of Russia’s primary private entities developing tactical counter-drone and counter-satellite EW hardware.

Kupol sells hardware directly to localized command structures, regional administrations, and defense units rather than going through traditional long-term state military acquisition pipelines.

US defense officials should take note of this sales approach as it eliminates red tape and delays in getting a product from the factory to the soldier. It may also account for lower costs by removing testing and evaluation processes that are often costly, although it carries some risk.

Kupol features a trailer-mounted uplink satellite jammer explicitly tailored to disable Starlink receivers overhead. Kupol is designed to form a wide RF suppression shield against NATO-standard and commercial Ukrainian drone frequencies over a 20-kilometer radius.

The Volna Kupol Garant array uses eight parabolic dish antennas distributed across six mobile trailers. Each dish is enclosed under a protective, egg-shaped composite radome. Rather than electronically shifting the beam across a flat array phase matrix, each dish uses physical motor mounts to mechanically rotate and track low-Earth orbit (LEO) Starlink satellites as they move across the sky.

Kupol chose not to use Active Electronically Scanned Arrays (AESA) technology for its jammers, although it would have been preferable. AESA arrays excel at multi-beam agility and rapid electronic scanning without moving parts, but they require advanced Gallium Nitride (GaN) or Gallium Arsenide (GaAs) Transmit/Receive (T/R) modules — components that are scarce and heavily sanctions-restricted in Russia.

However, while relying on far older technology, Kupol claims it has achieved the focused Effective Radiated Power (ERP) required to reach LEO satellites (~500-kilometer altitude) using simpler, commercially available RF components.

The Kupol problem is the limited coverage of each system, meaning that to protect critical infrastructure these units would need to be positioned close to the protected site. The cost of doing this in a complex, industrialized nation such as Russia could be prohibitive. Each Kupol unit costs $1.5 million (very little in Western terms, but a high cost if hundreds of units are needed).

There isn’t much information on how effective Kupol is against Starlink. However, the fact that Ukraine has targeted deployed systems suggests Kupol does work. Whether Russia can afford to deploy enough systems, and whether Kupol (a small company) can produce enough systems, are unanswered questions.

It is not likely that Rassvet or Kupol will dramatically change the war in Ukraine in Russia’s favor. But both systems offer solutions and improvements that were previously lacking. Moreover, both come out of the private sector, demonstrating that independent companies may be best positioned, even in Russia, to develop and manufacture badly needed military equipment.

Stephen Bryen is a former US deputy undersecretary of defense and special correspondent at Asia Times. This article was first published on his Weapons and Strategy Substack and is republished with permission.

Board of Peace Backs Hamas Disarmament-First Gaza Framework 

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Board of Peace Backs Hamas Disarmament-First Gaza Framework 


The sequence has become one of the most closely watched questions surrounding the Gaza framework: Will the conflict between Hamas and Israel’s positions over disarmament and troop withdrawal be resolved? On Monday, the Board of Peace offered its clearest answer yet, saying implementation requires Hamas to complete the decommissioning of its arsenal before the Israel Defense Forces withdraw beyond the Yellow Line, consistent with Israel’s position. 

The clarification followed a meeting between High Representative Nickolay Mladenov, a Board of Peace delegation, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and their respective teams. In a statement posted on X afterward, the organization said Hamas had committed to mediators that Israeli withdrawal would begin only after light weapons, heavy weapons and the tunnel network had been decommissioned. 

The discussions centered on implementing the Gaza framework, which is intended to dismantle Hamas’s military capabilities, transfer authority to civilian governance and create what the Board of Peace described as a safer future for Israelis and Palestinians in Gaza. The organization called the talks “constructive and detailed” and said it and Israel remained aligned on the framework’s ultimate objective. 

That objective, the statement said, is the complete removal of weapons from the Gaza Strip and the replacement of armed rule with civilian governance. Achieving it, however, will unfold in stages, with the next phase focused on defining how the transition will be carried out. 

Oversight of the process will fall to the International Stabilization Force and the Implementation Verification Committee, whose members include representatives of both the United States and the Board of Peace. The organization added that continued progress depends on every party fulfilling its commitments under the agreed framework. 

The clarification also addresses a point that had stalled implementation. Hamas previously said it would neither surrender its weapons nor carry out any phase of the agreement until Israel halted its airstrikes, met its humanitarian aid obligations and completely withdrew its military forces from Gaza. 

Israeli officials have consistently maintained that military withdrawal would come only after Hamas had fully demilitarized and surrendered its arsenal. Monday’s statement places that sequence at the center of the implementation process, reaffirming that disarmament precedes any Israeli withdrawal beyond the Yellow Line. 

China is Tesla’s cash cow, but for how much longer?

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China is Tesla’s cash cow, but for how much longer?

Tesla’s factory in Shanghai had its best June ever, according to the China Passenger ⁠Car Association. Tesla built 93,579 cars in China that month, a hefty 38 percent increase compared to June 2025, according to CPCA’s data. But that production isn’t translating into bumper sales to Chinese customers. Rather, sales have been down quarter on quarter in China for more than a year now, particularly as buyers tire of the Model 3 sedan.

Almost 40 percent of the EVs that Tesla built in June were destined for export. And in Q2 in total, more than 50 percent—just—of the cars it built were for Europe, Canada, and other Asian markets: 128,394 versus the 126,157 Chinese-built Teslas that were sold to Chinese buyers. Low labor costs compared to Germany or the US are a big boon here, as are cheaper components from local suppliers. Throw in some export-related tax rebates from the Chinese government, and it’s not hard to see how Tesla’s Shanghai plant is an extremely valuable asset.

Despite this seemingly critical importance to the automaker at a time when its profit margins are evaporating, Tesla may be contemplating a future without China. Last week, The Wall Street Journal reported that some Tesla executives have been tasked with separating Chinese and non-Chinese parts of the company, although Tesla denied such preparations were underway.

But Tesla has been working to reduce its dependency on China for the cars it sells in the US, which remains the company’s largest market. New US regulations banning Chinese-linked connected car software went into effect for model-year 2027, and a similar ban on Chinese-linked hardware comes into effect for model-year 2030, meaning cars that will be on US roads in two years. Tesla now no longer imports Chinese-made cars for sale in the US, and it has worked with its North American suppliers to make sure the components it buys don’t have unwanted Chinese origins.

Trade restrictions aren’t the reason for the potential divorce, however. Rather, the desire to join up with SpaceX is what is being cited as the driving force. Although SpaceX has started using excess Cybertrucks in its operations, the real desire behind such a marriage is access to investors. As Ars detailed earlier this summer, the S&P 500 index rejected a request by Elon Musk—CEO of both Tesla and SpaceX—to bend the rules (which require, among other things, four consecutive profitable quarters) for the rocket company.

Tesla, though, joined the S&P 500 back at the end of 2020, and if SpaceX merged with it, those efforts by S&P to keep SpaceX from passive investors will be for naught. (Both Tesla and SpaceX are down about 25 percent for the year to date, although obviously SpaceX’s year only began with its IPO in June.)

Such a merger would risk being blocked by the US government on national security grounds given the tens of billions of dollars of military contracts between SpaceX and the US government on the one hand, and Tesla’s Chinese operations on the other. Killing the golden goose doesn’t make sense if you think about it from the perspective of a company that wants to sell more cars profitably. But then, Tesla’s CEO does keep telling us that it’s not a car company anymore, doesn’t he?

Harry and Meghan’s Secret ‘Divorce Plan’ Revealed

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Harry and Meghan’s Secret ‘Divorce Plan’ Revealed


Buckingham Palace is reportedly preparing for the unthinkable — a royal future in which Prince Harry returns to Britain without Meghan Markle.

Harry, 41, and Meghan, 45, have increasingly appeared to be moving in different directions, with the homesick prince reportedly eager to rebuild ties with his family while his wife remains firmly committed to her life in California.

Now, palace insiders claim royal officials are quietly considering what would happen if the Duke and Duchess of Sussex eventually decided to end their marriage.

Palace Preparing for a Possible Sussex Split

One royal source claimed Buckingham Palace could be “quietly drawing up contingency plans in the event of a split.”

Harry has shown a renewed interest in spending time in the United Kingdom and repairing his damaged relationship with the royal family. Meghan, however, reportedly has no desire to move back to England.

“Meghan won’t want to come back from the U.S. — and that schism is potentially dangerous,” the insider claimed.

Should the couple divorce, the palace could reportedly take extraordinary steps to prevent an ugly public battle with Meghan.

One proposed arrangement would allegedly allow the former Suits actress to continue using her Duchess of Sussex title, even while remaining in America.

“The agreement would also grant Meghan the continued use of her Duchess of Sussex title,” the source claimed. “The Palace sees it as a face-saving measure, because tearing it away from her could spark a media war.”

King Charles Reportedly Wants the Marriage to Survive

Despite the alleged behind-the-scenes planning, sources insist King Charles is not hoping for his son’s marriage to collapse.

“This isn’t about trying to come between Harry and Meghan,” the insider said. “Contrary to what a lot of people might think, King Charles is actually rooting for them.”

Charles knows firsthand how painful and destructive a royal divorce can become. His bitter separation from Princess Diana dominated headlines for years and left lasting scars on the monarchy and their two sons.

The king reportedly wants Harry to know that he would be welcomed home without criticism if his marriage ever reached a breaking point.

“He wants Harry to know that, if he ever reaches a point where he’s overwhelmed or confused, there’s no judgment waiting for him,” the source claimed. “He’ll be there to listen and offer whatever wisdom he can.”

The insider added that Charles may not understand the Hollywood deals and business ventures Harry and Meghan have pursued, but he does understand complicated relationships.

Harry Returns to Britain Without Meghan

The reported palace planning comes after Harry returned to England for events marking the one-year countdown to the 2027 Invictus Games in Birmingham.

Meghan and the couple’s children, Archie, 7, and Lilibet, 5, were initially expected to join him. Those plans reportedly fell apart because of security concerns, leaving Harry to handle the public appearances alone.

Meghan later reportedly entered Britain quietly with the children, and the Sussex family held a private, hourlong tea with Charles and Queen Camilla at Highgrove House on July 10.

The meeting fueled speculation that Harry’s long-running feud with his father may finally be beginning to thaw.

Harry Reportedly Struggling to Find His Place

Sources claim Harry has struggled to establish a clear role for himself after six years in the United States.

While Meghan has continued pursuing entertainment, lifestyle and business opportunities, Harry has reportedly remained torn between his California life and the royal world he left behind.

The prince has also faced years of tension with his family following explosive television interviews, allegations against palace officials and the release of his 2023 memoir, Spare.

Still, Charles reportedly does not want to see his youngest son isolated or unhappy.

“Ultimately, all Charles wants is for Harry to be happy,” the insider claimed. “But he also wants him to face whatever lies ahead with his eyes wide open.”

The source added: “He doesn’t want Harry to bury his head in the sand and pretend everything’s fine if it isn’t. More than anything, Charles wants Harry to know he doesn’t have to shoulder this all alone.”

For now, Harry and Meghan remain married. But behind palace walls, royal officials are reportedly making sure they are prepared for whatever bombshell may come next.

The EPA Doesn’t Typically Retest Homes in the Country’s Largest Residential Lead Superfund Site. So We Did.

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The EPA Doesn’t Typically Retest Homes in the Country’s Largest Residential Lead Superfund Site. So We Did.

Decades after the last plume of lead-laced smoke rose from a smelting plant in Omaha, Nebraska, the Flatwater Free Press and ProPublica found lead in concentrations that pose a threat to people’s health in soil throughout east Omaha. 

Our investigation began more than two years ago, when Leah Keinama, who previously worked for a food security nonprofit, could not find up-to-date information about lead contamination for gardeners in Omaha. Keinama, now the director of civic journalism at the Nebraska Journalism Trust, and reporters at the Flatwater Free Press knew about the city’s refining history, so they teamed up to find out whether concerns about lead exposure were still warranted all these years later.  

The Environmental Protection Agency declared a 27-square-mile area within the city a hazardous waste zone, known as a Superfund site, after the American Smelting and Refining Company closed in the 1990s. That prompted a lengthy period of testing and remediation. Today, unless Omaha residents pay for private testing, there aren’t many avenues to find out how much lead is in their soil if their property had been tested by the city and EPA in the past.

Throughout our reporting, we heard from hundreds of Omaha residents who said they didn’t know about the city’s lead history. Some said they believed that because the EPA had already cleaned up thousands of properties that had high concentrations of lead in the soil, there was nothing to worry about. 

Our goal was to reach people in every neighborhood in and around the Superfund site. So we knocked on doors, hung up flyers around town, visited a community health center, attended multiple events, partnered with local libraries, and spoke to a college classroom to invite people to sign up for free soil testing. We also posted our online form in various social media channels and shared the news with other local media. We made our reporting available in Spanish, as roughly 10% of residents living within the Superfund site don’t speak English.

Flatwater Free Press initially partnered with local libraries and a community-based organization to distribute do-it-yourself kits with instructions on how to collect a soil sample. We received fewer than 100 samples using this method before switching to a sign-up system in which residents indicated they wanted our team to collect soil from their yard.

After a resident signed up for testing, a member of the reporting team (usually Keinama or Flatwater Free Press reporter Chris Bowling) went to their home, put on latex gloves, wiped down a stainless steel spoon with an unscented wipe and scooped about 3 to 4 tablespoons of soil from the middle of the yard into a sealable vial. We made sure not to collect samples too close to the house or too close to the road, which the EPA has found can be overly contaminated by paint or the remnants of leaded gasoline, respectively. When demand for testing increased, we hired two part-time soil collectors.

We sent labeled samples to Accurate Analytical Testing, an EPA-accredited lab, for $10 per test. Once we received the results from the lab, we informed residents (unless they had opted out of receiving their result) and put together a guide to answer some of their top questions

Our soil collection process differed from the EPA’s method of taking multiple composite samples from five sections of the yard. We chose to take a single sample from one area of each yard to reach more people and keep costs reasonable. In a few cases, we took multiple samples from the same yard and tested each sample individually but used only the highest result for our analysis.

Series Timeline

Oct. 20, 2025

The Trump administration issued guidance tripling the amount of lead that has to be in soil to warrant potential cleanup. Before that, the EPA had been discussing expanding the Omaha cleanup, which could have included nearly 27,000 properties.

December 2015

The EPA finished the cleanup of more than 13,000 residential properties and passed the remaining work to the city of Omaha.

March 1999

The Environmental Protection Agency began testing soil from Omaha yards after concerns about elevated blood lead levels in children. The contamination was eventually tied to a smelter and factories that spewed lead dust for over a century.

The EPA said sampling a single area “can be strongly biased high or low” compared to composite sampling. However, several of the nine environmental contamination experts we spoke to said single samples can offer broad conclusions about contamination in an area when enough are collected, which several experts felt we had achieved. Some said our sampling would likely underestimate contamination on a property. 

Other experts said our testing method would not accurately depict lead levels across a particular yard because of how variable the contamination can be. At the same time, experts also told us the EPA’s method of gathering multiple composite samples can still miss hot spots or underestimate contamination. 

What We Found

Over the past two years, we used the EPA’s sampling protocol as guidance to collect soil from 620 homes in and just outside of the Omaha Superfund site. (We’re continuing to collect samples from the nearby cities of Bellevue, Nebraska; Carter Lake, Iowa; and Council Bluffs, Iowa.)

We matched each home at which we took a soil sample with Omaha’s lead registry, which includes details like the address’ remediation status and results of the EPA’s testing, and compared our test results with historic data. Some homes that had previously undergone the EPA’s remediation process had high levels of lead contamination, our analysis found.  

  • We tested 150 previously remediated yards. One in 10 of those yards’ results came back with a concentration greater than 400 parts per million, the level the EPA used to decide which yards to clean up.
  • Nearly all of the previously remediated yards that tested above 400 parts per million are within 100 yards of another property that originally tested above the EPA cleanup threshold but was never remediated. A third had two such neighboring properties. That proximity could mean that the previously cleaned-up yards we tested were recontaminated by properties where the soil was never replaced, one expert said.
  • Many of the 241 homes we tested within the Superfund site that had never been remediated also showed high levels of lead. Of those homes, 1 in 20 had a concentration higher than 400 parts per million, according to our test results.
  • Across Omaha, 41% of the 620 yards we tested had more than 100 parts per million in their soil sample, a level that an EPA model shows could cause high blood-lead levels in children. Within the Superfund site, more than half of the almost 390 yards we tested had more than 100 parts per million. 

Our testing shows that lead contamination at levels that pose a risk to residents’ health is fairly widespread — even in sites that the EPA previously addressed.

Throughout our reporting, we spoke to nine experts in environmental and lead contamination to make sense of our findings. Several said the EPA should do more testing and possibly cleanup in Omaha.

We asked the EPA about our findings. The agency said it will work with the city of Omaha to “investigate the outcomes you have noted” and work with the city and property owners to take corrective action if needed in accordance with 2009 cleanup guidelines.

Donald Trump has made US$2.2 billion in his second term. How does that stack up against other US presidents?

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Donald Trump has made US$2.2 billion in his second term. How does that stack up against other US presidents?

At the end of June – in the run-up to America’s celebration of the 250th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence – President Donald Trump staged the White House’s first-ever professional sporting event. And while the UFC Freedom 250 evening of mixed martial arts was ostensibly part of the July 4 jamboree, Trump took the opportunity to promote his family’s business interests.

Fighters were paid bonuses in US$1 stablecoins, the cryptocurrency owned by the Trump family, while the event itself cost a reported US$60 million, much of which was taxpayers’ money.

The US president’s ability to make money while in office has been a focus of attention since his financial reports for 2025 were made public at the end of June. His reported revenue jumped from US$622 million in 2024 to US$2.2 billion in 2025, the first year of his second term.

While he and his family claim that there is no conflict of interest, there is little doubt that Trump has been able to profit from his position. But how does his financial gain as president stack up with some of his recent predecessors?

The Kennedy family were famously wealthy. The family’s patriarch, Joseph Kennedy, put some of his money into trusts for his children, allowing John Fitzgerald, Robert Francis and generations of future Kennedys to pursue politics without financial worry or conflicts between business and public service.

Kennedy’s successor Lyndon B. Johnson owned significant land and a small media empire in Austin, Texas with his wife Lady Bird, all of which was put into a blind trust and officially controlled without the Johnsons’ involvement while he was in office.

During the 1972 election cycle, Time magazine reported that incumbent president, Richard Nixon had improved his finances by just over US$300,000 during his first presidential term, noting that he was “not yet a millionaire”. Most of Nixon’s financial assets were tied up in property and his civil service pension.

Jimmy Carter’s famous peanut farm assets were put into a trust when he won office, and he left the presidency in $1m of debt following droughts in Georgia. Ronald Reagan, who succeeded Carter and was not a businessmen but a film actor-turned-politician, came to office with some assets. His assets – valued in 1981 at about US$4 million, mainly made up of his two properties – were also held in trust while he was in office.

George W. Bush made almost US$15m selling his stake in the Dallas-based Texas Rangers baseball franchise in 1998, while he served as governor of Texas. Barack Obama earned money from royalties on book sales while in office, but both he and Bill Clinton have amassed considerable wealth since leaving office.

None of these presidents appeared to leverage their presidency or their image to earn money while in office in the way that Trump has during his second term. Instead, they tended towards waiting until the post-presidency years.

Lucrative memoirs

Making money post-presidency is hardly a new story– the likes of James Buchanan and Ulysses S. Grant penned memoirs to earn money as far back as the 19th century. Nixon penned a well-paid memoir and made a lucrative and famous series of television interviews with David Frost in 1977 that earned him a base payment of $600,000 – over $3 million in 2026.

Perhaps the most lucrative of these post-presidential careers has belonged to Bill Clinton. Still a relatively young man of 54 when he left office, he moved into a public speaking and advising career. By 2016, he had made US$189m, US$38m of which had come from memoirs and other writing projects.

Barack Obama followed suit, pre-selling the rights to his memoirs immediately after leaving office for in a combined book deal with his wife Michelle reported to be US$60m.

Donald Trump and former US presidents Barack Obama, George W. Bush and Bill Clinton with their wives at President Jimmy Carter's funeral in January 2025.

Donald Trump and former US presidents Barack Obama, George W. Bush and Bill Clinton with their wives at President Jimmy Carter’s funeral in January 2025. AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin

Obama waited until he had officially stepped down before publicly concluding negotiations with Penguin Random House, taking the same pains as his predecessors to avoid the accusation of conflicting interests between his public service and private business.

Cashing in on the presidency?

No modern president has come close to Trump’s earnings, either while in office or after leaving.

In his first term Trump made attempts to differentiate his businessman persona from his new profession. Sean Spicer, his first White House press secretary, announced in 2017 that Trump was donating his first quarter earnings to the National Park service, a tradition he continued throughout his presidency. But he still amassed business revenues of US$2.4b – more than his predecessors by a considerable margin.

But even this could well be dwarfed by the amount of money Trump stands to make in his second term, if the first year is any guide. The 47th US president continues to argue that he follows the same path as other presidents and that his wealth is managed at arms’s length by external trusts and partnerships.

But the recent launch of Truth API – a paid-for data feed which gives access in “milliseconds” to posts on TruthSocial, a social media platform launched by Trump in February 2022 – has led to calls from his political opponents for the Securities and Exchange Commission to investigate. Posts by the president and other powerful people on the platform are known to move markets.

A recent poll by CNN has found that nearly two-thirds of Americans believe that Trump has gone too far in pursuing his personal business interests while serving as president. Whether this will hurt his party’s prospects in the midterm elections in November is yet to be seen. But what is clear is that the immense amount of money the US president has earned – and the power he wields over regulatory systems – now blurs the lines between public office and private business in a way that few other American leaders have.

US in a losing race to replenish depleted missile arsenals

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US in a losing race to replenish depleted missile arsenals

The US’s multibillion-dollar push to expand interceptor missile production could begin rebuilding depleted stocks, but long manufacturing lead times, industrial bottlenecks and cost imbalances mean the benefits will depend on how quickly new capacity translates into deployable missiles.

The US Department of Defense (DoD) signed framework agreements worth over US$3 billion with defense contractors Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman to expand production of Patriot and Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) missile interceptor components, multiple media outlets reported.

The initiative aims to triple manufacturing capacity for Patriot Advanced Capability-3 (PAC-3) interceptors and quadruple output for THAAD systems, aligning with a long-term US DoD objective to procure nearly 14,000 interceptors.

The action addresses severe stockpile depletion caused by high operational tempo in conflicts across Ukraine and Iran, where estimates indicate the US military has expended up to two-thirds of its Patriot inventory and roughly half of its THAAD reserves.

To accelerate manufacturing, the US DoD is engaging directly with component suppliers rather than relying solely on prime contractors, establishing a secondary source for PAC-3 solid rocket motors, expanding ignition safety device production, and increasing output of THAAD mid-body shells, muzzle covers, and rail car assemblies.

By offering sustained demand signals and funding workforce and facility modernization, officials intend to reinforce supply chain resilience, correct lopsided economic expenditure—such as firing $4 million interceptors against $50,000 attack drones—and restore critical US air defense stockpiles.

The buildup’s real test, however, is whether US industry can replenish advanced interceptors fast enough to meet mounting demands across multiple theaters. The depletion of US interceptor stocks may also be driving renewed procurement of older, less capable models.

The War Zone (TWZ) reported in July 2026 that the US Army awarded Raytheon a $441.6 million contract modification to procure new-production PAC-2 Guidance Enhanced Missile-Tactical (GEM-T) Patriot interceptors, marking the military’s first domestic PAC-2 order in over three decades.

However, these older model interceptors may not be as effective as newer ones. For instance, the Kyiv Independent reported in May 2025 that PAC-2 missiles sent by Germany under US authorization to replenish depleted Ukrainian interceptor stocks are less effective against Russian ballistic missiles than the newer PAC-3 variant, citing an anonymous European diplomat.

A senior Ukrainian intelligence official, cited by the Kyiv Independent, speaking anonymously, said that even the PAC-3 cannot intercept Russia’s Oreshnik intermediate-range ballistic missile (IRBM).

According to the report, the PAC-3s are designed with “hit-to-kill” capability, meaning they destroy incoming missiles through direct physical collision rather than using an explosive warhead. It adds that PAC-3 interceptors are smaller, lighter, and more maneuverable, and a standard Patriot launcher can hold 16 PAC-3 interceptors, compared to just four PAC-2 rounds.

Declining interception rates over Ukraine illustrate how depleted stocks, larger salvos and increasingly sophisticated missiles are straining existing defenses. Benjamin Jensen and Yasir Atalan note in a July 2026 Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) report that Ukraine’s interception rate against Russian ballistic missiles fell to just 10.6% in early 2026.

Jensen and Atalan note that despite Ukraine maintaining an 85% interception rate against one-way attack drones such as the Shahed, Russian ballistic missile salvos increased by 700% between 2023 and 2025, while Ukrainian interception success dropped by 36% in the same period. They warn that Russia may be poised to launch 840 ballistic missiles against Ukraine in 2026, leaving hundreds of targets vulnerable.

The situation may be similarly precarious in the Middle East, with the Wall Street Journal (WSJ) reporting in July 2026 that US President Donald Trump paused a planned two-week US air campaign against Iran to pursue diplomatic negotiations over the Strait of Hormuz and address dwindling air defense inventories, according to US officials.

According to WSJ, White House discussions highlighted severe stockpile depletion, with estimates indicating that over 1,500 Patriot interceptors have been expended, leaving fewer than 1,000 in US reserves.

The report cites General Dan Caine, US Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman, who warned that the shortage increases operational risk, though Trump publicly denied munitions deficits. Beyond the Gulf states taking on increased risk, the threat may be felt even more acutely in Israel.

This month, The Telegraph reported that a leaked memo from General Alexus Grynkewich, US European Command (EUCOM) Commander, warned that the US risks being unable to defend Israel against Iranian missile attacks due to dwindling interceptor stockpiles and naval resource constraints.

Similar to Ukraine, Israel may be facing declining interception rates against Iranian drone and missile threats. Citing an anonymous Israeli intelligence official, TRT World reported this month that Israel’s air defense effectiveness against Iranian missile strikes fell sharply from nearly 90% to 65% over 24 hours.

The report highlights mounting strain on Israeli air defenses, driven by Iran deploying faster, high-precision projectiles — including multi-warhead missiles and heavy warheads carrying over a ton of explosives — that cut Israeli early warning times from ten minutes to six. It also adds that sustained Iranian retaliatory salvos challenge interception geometry and severely deplete critical interceptor stockpiles.

Beyond Eastern Europe and the Middle East, shortages of US interceptors could also impact the Pacific region. David Axe points out in a March 2026 article for The Strategist that China poses a much more significant missile threat than Iran.

He emphasizes that interceptors like THAAD and the SM-6 are among the best, and sometimes the only, defenses available against China’s advanced ballistic missiles.

Axe notes that before Operation Epic Fury, the US already had too few of its best interceptors to defend against a determined Chinese attack; now there are even fewer. He warns that Chinese leaders may attempt to seize Taiwan by force during the three- to four-year US replenishment period, when the gap between China’s offensive missile arsenal and US defensive interceptor stocks could be at its greatest.

But expanding US interceptor production will require far more than announcing higher output targets. Looking at the challenges in scaling up Patriot interceptor production, Macdonald Amoah and other authors mention in a May 2026 Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) report that PAC-3 Missile Segment Enhancement (MSE) interceptors require long lead times — 24 months for missile assembly and 30 months for solid rocket motor curing — delaying emergency contract deliveries by years.

Amoah and others add that production throughput is further constrained by single-point sub-tier choke points, including Boeing’s solitary seeker plant in Huntsville and limited rocket motor production at L3Harris Aerojet Rocketdyne.

They also point out that erratic purchasing demand and complex supplier qualification processes have discouraged long-term capital investments in specialized tooling and workforce expansion, leaving manufacturers unable to scale assembly rapidly.

Unless the US can resolve its industrial bottlenecks faster than adversaries expand their missile arsenals, the coming replenishment gap will increasingly force it to ration air defense among Ukraine, Israel and the Indo-Pacific — turning interceptor scarcity into a strategic constraint on when and where it can intervene.

The Pixel 11’s “glow” feature is actually called HiLight—here’s what it does

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the-pixel-11’s-“glow”-feature-is-actually-called-hilight—here’s-what-it-does
The Pixel 11’s “glow” feature is actually called HiLight—here’s what it does

Google will reveal the Pixel 11 series later this month, but leaks and teasers so far have painted a picture of phones that have barely changed since last year. One notable exception seems to be the illuminated dot from some of the teasers. This has been rumored as “Pixel Glow,” but a new leak all but confirms a different (and less interesting) name. Say hello to HiLight.

A post on Bluesky by WinFuture’s Roland Quandt shows the new LED inside the camera module of the Pixel 11 Pro Fold. We can see the actual body of the device rather than a shadowy outline as in Google’s teasers, and it does look a bit different than the previous Pixel Fold.

The camera bump on the Pixel 11 Pro Fold is smaller, with no separate section for the flash off to the right. It appears that HiLight is the flash. Presumably, it still works as a flashlight and camera flash, but it can also produce a range of colors.

A leaked press graphic detailing Google’s new rear LED.

A leaked press graphic detailing Google’s new rear LED. Credit: Google

What does this thing do, anyway? The graphic includes text in French, which translates to:

Stay informed without looking at your screen

When your smartphone is turned upside down, HiLight discreetly illuminates when your favorite contacts call you or when you chat with Gemini.

So this is, in part, a return to the days of the notification LED. You’ll be able to set HiLight to alert you when you get a call from certain contacts. It’s unclear if that will also extend to messages and other app-based notifications. That was all possible with classic notification LEDs, but all bets are off with HiLight.

Before displays grew to dominate the entire face of our phones, it was common for Android devices to have a small RGB LED that would illuminate to indicate pending notifications or incoming calls. This helped save power back when waking up the display too often could kill the battery.

But HiLight is on the back of the phone. It appears this feature will only be useful when the phone is face down, which many people instinctively avoid to prevent screen scratches. Perhaps Google will have some answer for that in the form of new, harder glass.

Shining a light on Gemini

The other angle for HiLight is the Gemini tie-in, and this jibes perfectly with some of Google’s other products. In the coming months, we expect to see the first Googlebook laptops hit the market. These devices will come from various manufacturers, but they’ll all have the Glowbar. Google has been vague on what the feature will do, but it’s a safe bet based on HiLight that the bar will light up when you’re talking to or otherwise interacting with Gemini.

Likewise, the new Google Home Speaker, with its deep Gemini integration, has an illuminated ring around the bottom. It lights up when you’re talking to Gemini and changes colors to represent status. HiLight probably does much the same.

This may be what passes for hardware innovation in Google’s latest phones. In 2025, the biggest change was the addition of Qi2 magnets, which Google brands as Pixel Snap. A Gemini-focused notification LED on the back of the phone is arguably less important. We’ll have to wait until August 12 to see how Google pitches this feature, though.

Why targeting guerrilla groups and cartels doesn’t stop violence in Latin America – but focusing on geography might

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Environmental features and geography may be a better predictor of homicides in Latin America than the prevalence of organized crime gangs.

That’s what we found in a recent study that analyzed homicide patterns across Colombian municipalities between 2010 and 2020.

As researchers in place-based criminology, we were interested in understanding whether the locations where violence occurs matter more than the prevalence of organized crime groups operating within them.

So we compared violence levels against the prevalence or proximity of certain environmental and geographical factors, including coca cultivation, gold mining and transportation corridors, such as major roads, rivers, ports, airports and border crossings.

Using statistical models, we assessed the relative predictive power of these environmental features versus the presence of armed actors, including the now defunct revolutionary group FARC and its dissident factions, the guerrilla group ELN, and various organized crime syndicates.

Our results showed that environmental and geographic features were significant predictors of the local murder rate, independent of whether organized crime groups were present.

In fact, many municipalities with a high armed actor presence in eastern Colombia had relatively low murder rates. Meanwhile, homicide hot spots clustered predominantly in the country’s western corridor, where illicit economic resources and transportation corridors overlap.

A graphic shows the correlation between homicide hot spots, gang concentration, and environmental and geographic features. Pires/Guerette/Del Rio/Spencer, CC BY-SA

Crucially, violence did not stay contained within individual municipalities. A strong spillover effect meant that homicide rates in one municipality were significantly shaped by conditions in a neighboring one – particularly coca production and mining activity in adjacent areas. Environmental features, it turns out, facilitate much of the violence in Colombia.

Why it matters

The implications of these findings cut directly against decades of anti-violence policy across Latin America and beyond. High-profile kingpin strategies – the killing of Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar, the capture of Mexico’s El Chapo, the arrest or killings of top FARC leaders in the past – are emblematic of a deep-seated belief that cutting off the snake’s head will dismantle criminal organizations and reduce bloodshed.

Our findings, published in the peer-reviewed journal Crime Science, suggest this strategy is misplaced or, at a minimum, incomplete.

If murder rates are driven by the geographic distribution of illicit economic opportunity, then removing individual criminals from those environments does little to change the underlying conditions that make violence profitable and persistent. A new group, or a fragmented remnant of the old one in the case of FARC dissidents, will simply operate in the same place as its predecessor and carry on with that criminal activity.

Our study also reframes how Colombia’s 2016 agreement with the FARC should be understood. Although the accord succeeded in disarming one of the region’s most influential insurgent groups, violence has persisted and in some areas escalated because the broader conditions driving conflict were left largely intact. As the FARC withdrew, rival armed organizations, or fragmented successor groups, moved into the resulting power vacuums and competed for control over coca-producing areas and drug-trafficking routes.

Our findings suggest that for policymakers, reactive strategies that target offenders after violence erupts are not sufficient on their own.

Rather, methods that address the underlying conditions that attract organized crime groups may be more effective. This could include crop substitution programs in coca-growing regions, legal job opportunities for mining communities, and a strengthened security presence along trafficking corridors, as well as in areas where the national government has little to no footprint.

What still isn’t known

At the broadest level, this study looked at where homicides cluster across municipalities – the basic administrative units for which homicide data was available. Some municipalities, however, are quite large, meaning that armed groups may not operate evenly across the entire area, and homicides are not spread uniformly either. Future research could zoom in further, examining whether the same patterns hold at the neighborhood or street level.

Because annual data was not available for all variables, we relied on average homicide rates over the 10-year period, which meant we could not track changes over time. We would like to explore whether shifts in the number and presence of criminal organizations, alongside environmental factors, correspond with annual changes in violence.

Finally, we hope to apply this same framework to other conflict-affected countries in Latin America, particularly Mexico and parts of Central America, to see whether the same environmental factors predict homicide rates across different national contexts. If place-based factors consistently prove just as powerful as offender-focused ones, the argument for prevention strategies that target places and conditions, rather than just criminals, becomes much harder for policymakers to dismiss.

The Research Brief is a short take about interesting academic work.

Anti-Zionism is not anti-Semitism, UK appeal tribunal confirms in landmark ruling

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anti-zionism-is-not-anti-semitism,-uk-appeal-tribunal-confirms-in-landmark-ruling
Anti-Zionism is not anti-Semitism, UK appeal tribunal confirms in landmark ruling

The UK Employment Appeal Tribunal (EAT) has upheld a landmark ruling that anti-Zionism is not anti-Semitism and constitutes a protected philosophical belief under the Equality Act 2010. The judgment rejects the University of Bristol’s attempt to overturn the central findings in favour of its former professor, David Miller.

The ruling reinforces a distinction which pro-Palestine campaigners, Jewish anti-Zionists and civil liberties advocates have defended for years: opposition to Zionism as a political ideology is not inherently the same as hostility towards Jewish people.

In its judgment, handed down on today, the EAT upheld the findings that the university’s decision to dismiss Miller and its refusal of his internal appeal constituted unlawful direct discrimination. It also preserved the conclusions that his dismissal was unfair and wrongful.

“ANTI-ZIONISM PROTECTED BY UK LAW”, said Miller following his victory. “Anti-Zionism is now a protected philosophical belief under the Equality Act 2010. Full stop.

The Employment Appeal Tribunal finally handed down its judgment this morning. The University of Bristol’s attempt to overturn my 2024 Employment Tribunal victory has been comprehensively dismissed. We won on every single count”

ANTI-ZIONISM PROTECTED BY UK LAW

We have set a binding legal precedent!

Anti-Zionism is now a protected philosophical belief under the Equality Act 2010. Full stop.

The Employment Appeal Tribunal finally handed down its judgment this morning. The University of Bristol’s… pic.twitter.com/mRvXCfBhVW

— David Miller (@Tracking_Power) August 4, 2026

The judgment marks the latest development in a dispute going back years.

In early 2021, pro-Israel organisations and figures describing themselves as “proud Zionists” mounted a campaign demanding Miller’s dismissal over his criticism of Israel and Zionism. At the time, students at the University of Bristol defended the academic⁠, warning that allegations of anti-Semitism were being used to silence legitimate criticism of Zionism and Israeli violations of Palestinian rights.

The university dismissed Miller summarily in October 2021, despite an independent investigation clearing him of allegations of anti-Semitism.

Despite those findings, the university proceeded with disciplinary action and dismissal. The case became a prominent example of what Palestine Legal has called the “Palestine exception to free speech”: the tendency of institutions which otherwise champion freedom of expression to restrict it when the subject is Israel or Palestinian rights.

Read: The war for Israel on British campuses

Miller challenged his dismissal before the Employment Tribunal and secured a landmark victory in February 2024. The tribunal ruled that the university had discriminated against him because of his protected anti-Zionist beliefs and had dismissed him unfairly and wrongfully.

Bristol University appealed, advancing nine lengthy grounds and multiple sub-grounds against the findings. The EAT has now rejected the university’s challenges to liability.

Read: Dr Swee Ang, founder of Medical Aid for Palestinians, deplatformed by the BMA

The principle established in his case will be seen as being relevant to other employment disputes. A former Arsenal employee has sued the club, alleging that it dismissed him for expressing anti-Zionist views and supporting Palestine⁠. His representatives characterised the dismissal as political censorship rather than action against anti-Semitism.

An NHS doctor has also brought a High Court challenge over the use of the controversial International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition following his suspension for political speech.

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