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Facing Outraged Residents, Flock Got Help From Group That Uses AI to Rally Public Support

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Facing Outraged Residents, Flock Got Help From Group That Uses AI to Rally Public Support


The debate over Flock cameras in Knoxville, Tennessee, had reached a fever pitch this July when a stay-at-home mom received a text message from a nonprofit group she had never heard of.

The group, Neighbors for Strong Communities, asked Ashley Smith to speak out in support of Flock’s controversial license-plate readers. The nonprofit even offered to use artificial intelligence to help her draft an email to public officials.

There was only one catch: Smith, a mother of four, said she noticed that she would only be supplied with text if she indicated she supported the Flock cameras.

Instead of offering support, Smith dashed off her own email — an outraged missive to her elected officials and a local blog outlining what she saw as an insidious PR campaign.

“If the interests beyond this surveillance technology will work this hard to deceive you to win a vote, what will they do with the database of our every movement?” she said. “A company that manipulates and manufactures fake neighbors is not a company that will honor our data policies, audit logs, or the privacy of the people of Knox County.”

“A company that manipulates and manufactures fake neighbors is not a company that will honor our data policies.”

The text message to Smith revealed little about the Flock campaign’s origins.

As it turns out, the campaign was the product of a “partnership” between Flock and a newly created nonprofit that has used similar tactics in support of the controversial proposed merger between Paramount Skydance and Warner Bros. Discovery. Opponents of the merger derided the nonprofit’s work there as corporate “astroturf” — the practice of drumming up fake grassroots support.

The combination of texts and AI-generated messages fell short of swaying public officials in Knoxville. Last month, the county commission became the latest municipal body to vote to cancel the Flock contract.

In both the Paramount and Flock cases, however, Neighbors for Strong Communities’s work has raised questions about what counts as truly grassroots organizing.

“One of the concerns of the people with the Flock cameras is: Can we trust you?” Smith told The Intercept. “And this sort of manipulation of people’s desires already shows that they are secretive, and they are not willing to share the honest information.”

Flock and Neighbors for Strong Communities did not respond to requests for comment. On its website, the nonprofit said it had a lead role in the pro-Flock campaign. “Flock Safety brought experience with public safety technology. Neighbors independently designed and managed the resident-engagement campaign, helping Knox County residents share their experiences directly with local decision-makers,” the organization said.

“I mean, there are no neighbors and there are no communities.”

There are, however, no signs of a genuine upswell in grassroots support for Flock, said Craig Aaron, the co-CEO of Free Press, a nonprofit advocacy organization that is critical of both the Paramount merger and Flock.

“This is very much an astroturf project. I mean, there are no neighbors and there are no communities,” he said. “What makes it astroturf is the fake grassroots nature of it.”

“You’re talking about literally one of the most unpopular technologies,” Aaron added, “that has people taking chainsaws to light poles because they don’t like being spied on.

“This Is So Shady”

Neighbors for Strong Communities’s text messages can look like they come from nearby.

The text Smith received about Flock cameras came from a Knoxville area code. In California, residents received text messages about the Paramount merger from a Los Angeles area code.

In both cases, residents were presented with a series of questions whose answers would, in at least some cases, be used by Neighbors for Strong Communities to draft AI-generated emails to public officials.

Despite the area codes it sent texts from, Neighbors for Strong Communities was incorporated in Washington, D.C., in June.

Although the group does not list a board or staff members on its website’s “About” page, its incorporation papers show that its directors include several political consultants, including at least one former registered lobbyist.

At least two directors at Neighbors for Strong Communities also helped found Influent, a company that uses AI to generate letters to elected officials. Text messages to Knoxville residents linked to a URL with the word “influent” in the address. Whether Influent has a business relationship with Flock is unknown. (Influent did not respond to a request for comment.)

The page on Neighbors for Strong Communities’s website dedicated to Knox County features an image of a man with six fingers — a rare condition that is also a hallmark of AI-generated imagery. The page says Flock’s supporters are “real people.”

Smith said she was confused to receive the text message from Neighbors for Strong Communities, which she had never heard of despite her long involvement in local politics. In its message to her, the group seemed to play up a local connection.

“Knox County Neighbors for Strong Communities is asking local residents to speak up in support of responsible license plate readers with strong privacy protections before the vote on Monday,” the text message said. “Answer 2 quick questions and we’ll help you generate a personalized message urging local leaders to support this practical public safety tool.”

She filled out the form from Neighbors for Strong Communities twice, at first indicating her opposition to license-plate reader cameras, she said. Only on the second attempt, when she pretended that she supported the cameras, was she given the draft of an email to her county commissioners. The draft did not indicate the use of AI or its connection to the nonprofit group.

“Answer 2 quick questions and we’ll help you generate a personalized message urging local leaders to support this practical public safety tool.”

The experience disturbed Smith, who felt certain that she would have heard of a grassroots group in Knoxville given her years of organizing in local conservative politics.

“This is so shady,” Smith remembered telling herself. “If you’re in opposition, they don’t let you send that to your commissioners. But if you’re in support, they’re sending that to all of the commissioners.”

Smith started digging — and she used artificial intelligence to help. Her searches turned up Neighbors for Strong Communities’s incorporation paperwork in Washington, D.C.

Knox shared her findings with her county commissioner Andy Fox and a popular Facebook page for local politics. She noted that the address the nonprofit provided was shared with an Italian restaurant in D.C. (The group has since updated its address, which it shares with a UPS store in Santa Monica, California.) When the Facebook page shared her findings, at least nine residents posted comments saying they had received text messages, too.

“Clearly a PR Campaign”

Neighbors for Strong Communities’s intervention came at a perilous moment for Flock.

The company had already reaped more than $2 million from the Knox County Sheriff’s Office, but county commissioners said they had never been asked to approve a contract.

Residents on the right and left were raising concerns about privacy protections and the camera network’s history of being used by rogue law enforcement officers to stalk former romantic partners.

The nonprofit’s outreach effort appears to have generated a flurry of emails to commissioners arguing that the cameras were needed to prevent crime. Former at-large Commissioner Larsen Jay shared eight emails that he received from constituents supporting the use of license-plate readers.

None of those emails were identical, but their language was similar enough to raise red flags for Jay, whose service on the commission wrapped up at the end of August.

The emails Jay shared with The Intercept appear to come from genuine residents of the Knoxville area. Two residents confirmed to The Intercept that they had sent emails in support of Flock, although one said she had since switched her position.

While several emails contained personalized details, Jay said he considered the pro-Flock emails to be “form letters” nonetheless. In face-to-face conversations, Jay said, opposition to Flock ran 99-to-1.

“It’s just clearly a PR campaign,” Jay said. “Don’t use my people. That’s how it felt when I started to realize what it was.”

“These Are Real People”

At some point after the pro-Flock campaign came to an end, Neighbors for Strong Communities posted a defense of its tactics on its website.

The group acknowledged that it used “technology” to help residents craft missives to county officials. It said, however, that all of those residents were asked to sign off on the AI-generated drafts.

“Technology played a role in this campaign, but it was never the point,” the group said on its website. “These are real people with real experiences. Whether someone ultimately agrees with every policy position or not, their voices deserve a place in the decisions shaping their community.”

It remains unclear how the group handled responses from residents who oppose the use of Flock’s cameras. The group said on its website that it “listened” to those responses but did not comment further when asked.

Flock’s partnership with Neighbors for Strong Communities largely flew under the radar until weeks later, when the nonprofit partnered with Paramount Skydance on its proposed merger. Critics of the merger noticed the group’s earlier work in Knoxville and began asking questions about why a nonprofit would work on such disparate campaigns.

Merger critics said the nonprofit’s work in California had all the hallmarks of a phony “astroturf” campaign, which is designed to generate the appearance of grassroots support.

The group drew more negative attention recently, when a merger critic discovered that its AI text generator flipped her criticism of the deal into support. The nonprofit’s spokesperson blamed “a recent system upgrade.”

In Knoxville, Neighbors for Strong Communities appears to have disclosed — at least after the fact — that it “partnered” with Flock on the pro-camera campaign. Still, the group has not disclosed the sources of its funding.

Thomas Lyon, a professor at the University of Michigan’s Ross School of Business who has studied corporate public relations, said that a campaign can still be classified as “astroturf” even if it generates letters or emails from ordinary citizens. In the pre-AI era, Lyon said, public relations firms running “astroturf” campaigns for corporations would sometimes call people and offer to draft them letters to public officials over the phone.

The company associated with two of Neighbors for Strong Communities’ directors, Influent, promises on its website that it has a different approach from other corporate influence campaigns.

“Generic astroturf form letters are destined for the trash bin,” the company says in promotion materials. “Every Influent letter, Tweet, phone call, and message is tailored to the individual — each one unique, reflecting the authentic voice of its sender.”

Neighbors for Strong Communities’s own website features similar language stressing the authenticity of supporters’ messages to public officials.

By that measure, at least, the nonprofit missed the mark, according to another county commissioner. Andy Fox — Ashley Smith’s representative on the commission — told The Intercept that he received dozens of “template” emails in support of Flock.

He said, “It doesn’t feel right to me.”

Oregon Lawmakers Seek to Open Up Affordable Housing Records Following ProPublica’s Reporting

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Oregon Lawmakers Seek to Open Up Affordable Housing Records Following ProPublica’s Reporting

Two Oregon lawmakers want to end an unusual exemption in the state’s records law that has kept the public from learning how hundreds of millions of dollars in taxpayer money is spent on subsidized housing — and the effort has already landed key industry support.

Rep. Pam Marsh, chair of Oregon’s House Committee on Housing and Homelessness, told ProPublica that she plans to introduce legislation next year to eliminate a law that shields key details of state spending on low-income housing.

The southern Oregon Democrat said she didn’t realize the documents were being kept secret until reading about it in a ProPublica story. She said previous leaders of her committee told her they were also unaware.

“I think this is an issue that will have very broad interest,” Marsh said.

State Sen. Khanh Pham, a Portland Democrat and chair of the Senate Committee on Housing and Development, said she also wants the Legislature to tackle the issue in its next session.

Meanwhile, a lobbying group for low-income housing developers, lenders and related businesses, Housing Oregon, said it strongly supports repealing the secrecy provision; the organization has asked the state to disclose more about projects that it funds in the meantime.

“Oregon’s affordable housing providers share the public’s interest in ensuring that public investments in housing are used effectively, responsibly, and with visibility,” said Kevin Cronin, a spokesperson for the group. “The questions raised in your recent ProPublica article regarding development costs deserve serious attention.”

Cronin said Oregon can increase transparency around development costs “while still protecting genuinely proprietary or competitively sensitive information.”

“More consistent reporting of costs and outcomes will help policymakers, providers, researchers, and the public understand where the system is working and where it needs improvement,” Cronin said.

ProPublica highlighted Oregon’s secrecy around low-income housing in August. Since 2021, our story noted, Oregon has given developers an unprecedented $1.4 billion, and the cost of developing each low-income apartment has nearly doubled, to $540,000. Dozens of projects are lined up for another $850 million in future state funding, and costs are expected to continue rising.

Read More

“We are spending, as you said, a lot of money on the development of affordable housing,” Marsh said. “We really need to understand what it is that we’re funding, how much it costs, why it costs that much, and be able to justify the investments that we’re making.”

In other states, researchers and journalists have used the financial records from subsidized housing projects to investigate their spiraling costs and the drivers behind the growing price tag.

Marsh said after reading the ProPublica story that she “pretty much immediately” looked up the provision in Oregon public records law that officials cite for keeping cost details secret. She said financial documents that show where a project’s money is coming from and what it’s going to should be public and easily accessed. She said she would like to see them posted online as part of the public materials that Oregon’s Housing Stability Council receives for each project before awarding subsidies.

Pham, in a written statement, said: “It’s imperative that Oregonians can trust that our state government is investing in affordable housing as cost-effectively as possible. I appreciated ProPublica’s reporting on Oregon’s inadequate public records law that hinders our ability to monitor how affordable housing funds are being spent, and I’m hopeful legislators can address this next year.”

Oregon’s Sunshine Committee, which reviews public records exemptions and recommends ones that could be rolled back, is also examining the exemption for housing financials as a result of ProPublica’s coverage, co-chair Charlie Fisher said.

It’s not clear where opposition to repeal efforts, if any, might arise. Officials in Washington and California, where the details of state spending on subsidized housing are available to the public, have said it hasn’t interfered with low-income housing efforts.

Oregon Housing and Community Services, the state housing agency that persuaded lawmakers to create the records exemption in 1997, cited the law in redacting major sections of developers’ cost reports that ProPublica requested in May.

The agency’s current executive director, Andrea Bell, told ProPublica in July that she is committed to transparency but that the agency is following the law as it stands today. 

Asked to comment this week about whether the agency would support efforts to change the law, a spokesperson said by email that state agencies don’t take positions on bills. “OHCS appreciates the opportunity to review the legislation” that’s introduced in 2027, the spokesperson wrote.

Houthi offensive in Yemen adds to fear that Iran war could escalate into a wider global conflict

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Houthi offensive in Yemen adds to fear that Iran war could escalate into a wider global conflict

Yemen’s Houthis have launched a major offensive in recent days. They’ve rapidly swept down the Red Sea coast, seizing strategically important positions and giving the Iran-backed rebel group the potential to control traffic through this vital waterway.

This could cut off Saudi Arabia’s ability to export oil – which was already seriously hampered by Iran’s attempts to control the Strait of Hormuz on the other side of the country.

Drone attacks by Iran-backed militias in Iraq on September 11 forced Riyadh to order the closure of its vital east-west oil pipeline, which has been funnelling oil to the port of Yanbu on the Red Sea. Saudi Arabia has since claimed to have shot down a Houthi drone close to the holy city of Mecca, home of Islam’s most sacred shrine – something the Houthis have denied.

These are significant and dangerous developments in the current Middle East crisis – and by extension, in global security. Saudi Arabia recently signed a defence pact with Turkey and Pakistan, having already been raised to the status of a major non-Nato ally by the US.

Whether such ties will draw any of these allies into a major military confrontation is not yet clear. But the situation shows how perilous this conflict has become, six months after the US and Israel launched what they thought would be a relatively short confrontation with Iran.

How this conflict might escalate – and the possible routes for de-escalation – have become urgent questions. There are increasingly clear links between the US-Iran war and the 4½-year conflict between Russia and Ukraine, both of which look like increasingly intractable conflicts.

Iran and Russia have deepened their military ties since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Iran has supplied Russia with munitions, artillery shells and drones, and Russia reciprocated by sending Iran fighter jets and attack helicopters.

In 2025, the two countries signed a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Treaty, aimed at deepening their strategic ties over the next two decades.

They have both used the Caspian Sea as a route to transfer military supplies. Their “shadow fleets” of tankers transporting oil to avoid sanctions are now considered to be operating virtually interchangeably, so are viewed as legitimate targets by both Washington and Kyiv.

The US recently sank five Iranian oil tankers in the Strait of Hormuz, three of which are believed to have been transporting oil for Russia. This followed an incident in July when Ukrainian drones attacked and sank an Iranian cargo ship in the Caspian Sea.

Ukraine’s foreign minister, Andrii Sybiha, has declared: “The regime in Tehran is a direct accomplice to Russian aggression against Ukraine, fuelling Moscow’s criminal war with weapons that have killed Ukrainians since 2022.” This was followed by a comment from Ukraine’s ambassador to Israel, Yevgen Korniychuk, that both countries were fighting against the same “axis of evil”, albeit on different fronts.

Worryingly, there are also reports that China – which bought 80% of Iran’s shipped oil in 2025 – is providing important intelligence and potentially also military hardware to Iran.

The fear is that, between them, the Ukraine and Iran conflicts already involve three major competing world powers.

Security dilemma

The way conflicts can rapidly escalate has long been a concern for scholars of international security. In reference to the events which spiralled out of control leading to the first world war, American scholar of international relations John Herz referred to what he called “the security dilemma”. This was predicated on a simple idea, where “each state’s quest for security necessarily leads to insecurity for others”.

In the face of growing international insecurity, states seek to increase their own security. This contributes to a spiral whereby rivals respond and the world locks into escalation – something seen in the years leading up to 1914, when a single act such as the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo was enough to drag Europe’s powers into a global conflagration.

Europe in the early 20th century was dramatically different to the contemporary Middle East. But similar patterns of fear and insecurity are now evident in both Europe and the Middle East, and they appear to be driving the actions of many countries.

US president, Donald Trump,  and Saudi crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman displayed on a digital billboard at a pro-Iran protest in the Yemen capital Sana'a

Houthi rebels see US president Donald Trump and Saudi crown prince Mohammed bin Salman – displayed at a pro-Iran protest in Yemen’s capital, Sana’a – as their major enemies. EPA/Yahya Arhab

Quite apart from being drawn in to the war with Ukraine, Nato’s European members are rapidly rearming in response to US pressure – and openly discussing the idea of conflict with Russia.

Meanwhile, there is a real danger that Gulf States such as Saudi Arabia may be drawn into conflict with Iran. The Saudis have already traded strikes with the Iran-backed Popular Mobilisation Forces in Iraq and have vowed to retaliate against the Houthis in Yemen. This has led to a growing regional spread of the conflict.

We saw evidence of how this can develop when the memorandum of understanding signed by the US and Iran in June called for a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon, as a necessary condition for the ceasefire between the US, Israel and Iran. Yet Israeli military operations in southern Lebanon continue.

Clearly, the linking up of these different conflicts has made efforts to find a resolution more challenging. When this takes on a global dimension, the challenge increases dramatically.

Taken together, the picture is bleak. The interconnected nature of different arenas of conflict and the looming spectre of global powers makes the situation increasingly combustible – and recent events in Yemen will only make matters worse.

Hackers reveal how Flock cameras really track cars and people

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Hackers reveal how Flock cameras really track cars and people

Hackers ripped down a Flock camera above a roadway, made a near-complete copy of the data stored inside it, and shared the files with 404 Media and WIRED, revealing in new detail how exactly Flock Safety’s cameras track the movements of both vehicles and people. The hackers say they are also publishing details on how they managed to obtain the software, in the hopes that other people may copy them.

The breach provides an unprecedented look inside a system that Flock has described as protected by on-device encryption. The hackers were able to copy the camera’s storage and recover an encryption key stored on the device, which unlocked videos of thousands of vehicle detections. The hackers shared the material with 404 Media and the transparency nonprofit Distributed Denial of Secrets, which shared the data with WIRED. 404 Media and WIRED then analyzed those files as part of a joint investigation.

While much of the automatic license plate reader’s most sensitive storage remained encrypted and inaccessible, the joint analysis of the recovered data shows that software running on the device explicitly detects people as well as vehicles, license plates, and bicycles. The camera can produce dozens of images of a single passing vehicle and, according to several weeks of recovered logs, generated more than a million images. Its computer-vision software also sometimes isolated bumper stickers and other graphics, including, in one case, an American flag patch on a motorcyclist’s saddlebag.

The act of removing the camera and dumping its software shows that some people are not content with just destroying or removing the cameras. Across the country, multiple people have been arrested for allegedly tampering with or otherwise sabotaging Flock’s cameras. In response, some towns have announced that they are going to stop using Flock’s cameras altogether, and in one case, a police department even made a fake, 3D-printed Flock camera case in order to bait potential vandals.

“Why just destroy them when we can reverse engineer them and find the secrets of those spying on us?” one of the hackers, from a collective calling itself stegan0gram, said in an interview. “We liberated hardware in the field, disarmed them, and proceeded with reverse engineering of the cameras and associated solar equipment.”

Flock’s cameras photograph passing vehicles and send the images and other data to the company’s servers. There, Flock’s system presumably reads the license plate and can identify characteristics, such as the vehicle’s color, make, and model. Flock then makes these time-stamped records searchable by whichever local agency owns or has access to the cameras. But in many cases, Flock’s system also allows other police departments from all over the country to search those cameras as part of the company’s national network. In Alpharetta, Georgia, for example, WIRED found that records from the city’s Flock cameras were accessible to more than 2,000 agencies, including police departments, colleges, airports, and, inexplicably, the Office of Inspector General for the federal General Services Administration.

This national network has been a selling point for Flock but also a deep source of controversy. 404 Media revealed that local cops were performing lookups in the national network on behalf of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, including in areas that banned working with immigration authorities or transferring license plate data out of state. 404 Media also revealed that a cop in Texas searched Flock cameras nationwide for a woman who self-administered an abortion. Those stories, among others, triggered a national conversation about whether people want Flock cameras, or automatic license plate readers more generally, in their communities.

And in the case of stegan0gram, the answer is clearly no.

The hackers said they were able to access the Android system on the camera and found two partitions—sections of its hard drive, essentially. A few of these were unencrypted, the hackers said, including one called “vendor” and another called “media.” The latter contained an encryption key that unlocked another part, which contained much of the media—the videos and stills—the camera took.

In early 2025, security researcher Jon “GainSec” Gaines reverse-engineered a Flock license-plate reader and documented flaws that could be used to gain root-level access. After Gaines disclosed his findings, the company acknowledged the findings but downplayed their severity, writing that the flaws required physical access to the device and that even someone who gained access to a camera “would still not be able to gain access to footage,” because images remained on the device only briefly after being transmitted to the cloud.

404 Media and WIRED analyzed the camera’s contents. The device’s processor is similar to those used in midrange smartphones, and it runs about 20 Flock-built apps that handle everything from detecting motion and taking pictures to classifying objects, uploading data, and receiving remote updates.

According to the code, when something moves into view, the camera takes a rapid series of photos. A typical passing vehicle generated about 28 images, though some produced more than 100. The camera uses different exposures to capture both the license plate and the wider scene, then scans the images, selects and crops useful frames, and sends them with other data to Flock over the cellular network. The camera itself does not appear to read the plate or identify the vehicle’s make, model, and color. That appears to happen on Flock’s servers.

According to our analysis, the camera’s logs recorded about 21 days of activity across several periods. During those windows, the device photographed roughly 50,200 vehicles and generated about 1.6 million images. On a typical day, it logged around 3,300 vehicles, with a high of 4,454. Those figures would vary considerably depending on where a camera is installed and how much traffic passes in front of it. The camera was almost certainly operating outside those periods, but older logs had been overwritten or were no longer recoverable from the device.

The software running on the camera explicitly detects people, something that is typically overlooked in discussions around Flock cameras. When it spots a person, it records where they appear in the image and how confident it is in the detection.

To test what the software could actually see, WIRED extracted the models from the camera’s files and ran them against test images and footage recovered from the device. The models readily detected people, including a selfie of a reporter. WIRED then ran them across 27,321 short videoclips stored on the camera. The clips were MP4 files, each about one to two seconds long, recorded at 1,024 by 768 pixels without audio. They were separate from the rapid bursts of higher-resolution still images the camera also takes as vehicles pass. The models detected people in 11 of the clips, all of them riding motorcycles. The small number is likely due to the camera’s position above a roadway, pointed down at passing traffic where pedestrians were unlikely to appear.

The tests also showed how broadly the camera’s license plate detector could interpret what it saw. In some cases it mistook bumper stickers, dealership frames, and other graphics for license plates and cropped them out as if they were plates. In one video of a passing motorcycle, the detector cropped an American flag patch on the rider’s saddlebag as if it were a plate.

Flock insists its cameras do not perform face recognition. WIRED and 404 Media found no evidence of any face-recognition capabilities in the camera’s software beyond ones included by default in the Android operating system. Those capabilities did not appear to be enabled or in active use.

In August, WIRED obtained frontend code for Flock’s police software, now called OS Investigate and previously known as Nightshift, and reconstructed portions of the tool. That software showed how Flock can use the records generated by its cameras, along with police files and commercial data, to identify drivers and surface vehicles that repeatedly travel together and search for people based on patterns of movement. The data provides a view of the other end of a system.

A Flock spokesperson said in a statement: “The unauthorized removal and tampering of a Flock camera is illegal.” When asked specifically about the encryption key stored on the camera, the company added, “Flock takes security seriously and maintains a public Vulnerability Disclosure Policy for security researchers to report potential vulnerabilities directly to us. We received no report through that process, and based on the limited information provided, we do not have enough detail to assess the claims being made. If the individuals identified legitimate vulnerabilities, we encourage them to submit their technical findings through our vulnerability reporting process so our security team can review them and take any appropriate action.”

One of the hackers said, “Being investigated is a legit concern and something we are trying to avoid. I’m sure our actions have attracted some attention as it is, but we are careful and try to keep a low profile.”

Noel Pichardo, a former Pawtucket, Rhode Island, police officer who became an outspoken critic of Flock after challenging his department’s use of the cameras, says he understands the activists’ frustration but worries that sabotaging devices could ultimately strengthen the case for them. “I think that type of vigilantism will only crystallize the police and the state at large in their belief that this tool is necessary,” Pichardo says. “The longer the state continues to ignore the groanings of their constituents who are against this type of surveillance, the more this will happen.”

The camera’s logs also show the camera struggling with storage. Its logs recorded more than 27,000 “no space left on device” errors while trying to save full-resolution images, along with tens of thousands of related errors, crashes, and reboots. At the same time, about every two minutes, code checked that the camera was still running and logged the message, “Who’s a good boy?!” More than 12,000 of those messages appear in the recovered logs.

When the camera did restart, another service left a final message in the logs: “A reboot was requested! ¡Adiós, Amigos!”

This story originally appeared on wired.com.

Warsh’s rate hike a crapshoot for an already uneven US economy

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Warsh’s rate hike a crapshoot for an already uneven US economy

From mortgages to auto loans to credit cards, borrowing is set to get even pricier.

But the Federal Reserve’s decision on September 16, 2026, to hike its baseline interest rate also highlighted an increasingly confounding dilemma: It can raise the price of money across the economy, but it can’t determine which sectors are most affected.

That means the rate increase may further slow the weaker parts of the economy, such as housing, while barely affecting the strongest, namely the relentless investment in artificial intelligence.

In its statement summarizing its unanimous vote, the Fed’s policymaking committee said it was raising its benchmark rate by a quarter percentage point so that it now stands at a new target range of 3.75% to 4%. It described inflation as still “elevated” and noted that other economic indicators remain strong, from productivity to investment, to domestic spending.

As a scholar of public finance, I believe the Fed probably had little choice but to raise rates given its commitment to maintain inflation-fighting credibility. Markets had already expected the hike, and if the Fed had failed to deliver, it might have pushed longer-term interest rates even higher amid concerns it was becoming less wedded to that target.

But the Fed’s action also underscores that the US increasingly looks like an economy moving at two very different speeds. Investment in AI – whether through data centers, computing capacity or related infrastructure – has been booming, while it’s crowding out other kinds of investment.

Meanwhile, the housing market is getting crushed by high mortgage rates and diminishing affordability, while consumers are carrying ever more expensive credit card and auto debt.

Many small and traditional businesses are also in a bind as they face substantially higher financing costs than they did several years ago. Those costs reflect the rising yields on longer-term US government debt, which have been going up for months on a mix of factors: Longer-term inflation concerns due to soaring US government debt, geopolitical risks driving up energy costs, and ongoing financing demand for AI.

On September 14, the yield on the 10-year Treasury crossed 5% for the first time since 2023.

An elusive inflation target

When the Fed hikes short-term interest rates, it slows down economic activity by making borrowing more expensive and saving more attractive.

That mechanism works particularly well when consumers are deciding whether to finance a house, purchase a car or take on additional debt. It also discourages businesses from making investments when the expected return is only modestly above their financing costs. As demand slows, businesses have less room to raise prices, easing inflationary pressures.

In this case, the Fed justified its move by citing “elevated” inflation and noting that it “will support a timelier return” to its goal of an annual inflation target of 2%. It also suggested the economy would be able to absorb the tightening and described economic activity as “expanding at a solid pace.”

The decision aligns with Fed Chairman Kevin Warsh’s recent comments that restoring price stability is central to the Fed’s credibility. In a key speech in August, he underscored his commitment to bringing annualized inflation back down to 2%, an objective he called a “firm, fixed target” – a turnaround from his more ambiguous comments in July.

But in recent months, the economic data has shown that the 2% annual target remains elusive. Consumer prices rose 0.4% in August and 3.4% over the past year. Meanwhile, the war with Iran has pushed oil prices back above US$100 a barrel, adding a new source of inflation pressure through gasoline, diesel, transportation and production costs.

At the same time, the labor market isn’t faltering. The economy added 162,000 jobs in August, while the unemployment rate remained at 4.1%. The one notable concern is the persistence of long-term joblessness despite the strong headline numbers. More than one-quarter of unemployed Americans have now been out of work for at least six months.

Taken together, those numbers suggested there was room for the Fed to hike rates, given that the economy isn’t sliding into recession. So investors overwhelmingly expected the Fed’s rate increase.

An uneven economic hit

However, tighter monetary policy carries a risk: It falls disproportionately on sectors that are already struggling and highly sensitive to interest rates, while having less effect on one of the economy’s strongest sources of demand – the booming AI investment cycle.

Housing provides the clearest example. Persistently high mortgage rates are reinforcing the “lock-in” effect for current homeowners. Millions of homeowners financed their houses when mortgage rates were 3% or 4%, so they’re staying put, with little incentive to sell their home and purchase another at much higher rates.

Mortgage rates are mostly influenced by longer-term factors, including Treasury yields, inflation expectations and market expectations about the future path of interest rates. But the Fed’s decision still matters.

Markets increasingly expect today’s hike to be followed by additional increases, signaling that it views inflation as a more persistent risk and putting upward pressure on longer-term interest rates.

That expectation will keep mortgage rates high – probably resulting in fewer home sales, less mobility and continued headwinds for prospective buyers. It’s also likely to make renting relatively more attractive for potential homebuyers who are priced out of buying.

A red and white 'for sale' sign is displayed outside a home in Portland, Ore.
The U.S. housing market continues to languish, with mortgage rates nearing 7%. Photo: AP / Jenny Kane

Higher-for-longer rates also change how consumers save.

When interest rates were near zero, they earned almost nothing on safe assets. Today, Treasury securities, money market funds and other relatively safe assets offer meaningful returns. Higher rates therefore tend to shift incentives throughout the economy away from borrowing and spending and toward saving.

With consumers stretched by inflation and increasingly dipping into their savings, however, this effect may be less pronounced.

The AI sugar high

When it comes to the AI investment boom, it’s a different picture. Warsh noted in August that more than half of recent capital-spending growth could be attributed to the AI buildout.

The companies that are spending billions of dollars on computing infrastructure are doing so because they expect potentially enormous returns from AI. If those expected returns on investment are exceptionally high, a modest increase in borrowing costs may do little to alter their investment decisions. That stands in sharp contrast to a prospective homebuyer getting sticker shock from mortgage rates nearing 7%.

The federal government, for its part, faces a slower adjustment. A Fed rate hike doesn’t immediately increase the interest rate on all outstanding federal debt. Most Treasury notes and bonds carry fixed rates until they mature.

But as the Treasury issues new debt and refinances maturing securities, today’s higher rates gradually become tomorrow’s higher federal interest expense. That rise in interest costs is a main reason some economists are sounding alarms about the national debt, which recently topped $40 trillion.

In effect, the US economy is facing a reality in which both short- and long-term rates stay higher for longer. The federal government, households and businesses are all adjusting to a borrowing environment that looks substantially different from the one that prevailed for much of the previous decade.

John W. Diamond is director of the Center for Public Finance at the Baker Institute, Rice University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Trump threatens to impose ‘serious tariffs’ on Europe if Canada joins EU as associate member

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Trump threatens to impose ‘serious tariffs’ on Europe if Canada joins EU as associate member


Trump threatens to impose ‘serious tariffs’ on Europe if Canada joins EU as associate member

President Donald Trump pulled out one of his favorite words as he threatened retaliation if the European Union were to admit Canada as an associate member.

Trump told reporters Wednesday that he might respond with “serious tariffs” if Canada were to become integrated with the 27-member EU to a degree that he perceived would be hostile to the U.S. amid a trade war with its northern neighbor.

He called it “laughable” that Canada would become an associate member, as European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen proposed earlier in the day during her State of the Union speech.

“Canada’s been a terrible trade partner,” Trump told reporters at the airport in Charlotte, North Carolina, when asked about the proposal. “If I think it’s at all a hostile act, I will put very serious tariffs or stop trading with Europe on many things,” he added.

Trump left open the possibility that he would accept the arrangement if he believed it was made with “a good intention,” but warned that the U.S. could otherwise impose “very heavy tariffs on Europe.”

Von der Leyen first floated the idea of making Canada the first associate member of the EU with Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney in attendance.

“I would like to work with you on opening the door for Canada to be the first associate member of the EU,” von der Leyen said. She also announced a broader “Alliance for the Future” built on the already existing EU-Canada trade deal.

The proposal caught European capitals off guard, and Canadian leaders appear to be distancing themselves from the idea. It also remains unclear what associate membership would entail, considering no such status currently exists under EU law.

Canada’s incoming ambassador to the EU, Jonathan Wilkinson, quickly downplayed the prospect. “We’re not there,” he told reporters in Strasbourg when asked about it. “What we’re focused on is actually driving results.”

Trump’s Wednesday comments come as Canada seeks to reduce its economic dependence on the U.S. amid the escalating trade war between the two countries. Carney has called for a “unique alliance” with the EU but has stopped short of fully endorsing an associate membership.

Carney is set to address the European Parliament on Thursday.

Via Politico

Researchers swap in human brain cells for a mouse’s cortex

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Researchers swap in human brain cells for a mouse’s cortex

In recent years, there has been a lot of excitement about the potential for studying human diseases in what are called “organoids.” These small patches of tissue, formed using stem cells, appear to produce many of the same cell types and at least some of the structures normally formed in actual organs, and thus can provide a better model for diseases that rely on the sometimes complex interactions among multiple specialized cell types that are a feature of the human body.

But even the most sophisticated organoids lack a lot of the features of a real human body. This is especially true for brain organoids, which don’t form any of the connections with specialized brain structures needed to behave “normally.” On Wednesday, a research group at Stanford University described a possible way to study brain organoids in a somewhat more natural context: They genetically wiped out a large portion of the mouse brain and replaced it with human brain organoid cells.

The replacements

Organoids, because they adopt a three-dimensional tissue structure and consist of various specialized cells, provide a much better model for an intact tissue than simply having a bunch of disassociated cells lying flat on a culture dish. But they still have a lot of limitations—they’re not hooked up to a circulatory system that allows the liver to process chemicals the organoid produces and don’t have immune cells moving through them, to give just a couple of examples.

This is especially limiting for studies of the brain, where any specialized structures are surrounded by structures that may exchange information with them, and often have long-range connections. An organoid is better than nothing, but it may not be a lot better if you’re interested in a disease that impacts communication among multiple brain regions.

One alternative has been to implant human neural stem cells into the brains of another species, where they’ll generally integrate into the nervous system and actively signal to their neighbors. But, given that those human cells are surrounded by the normally functioning neurons of their hosts, it’s not clear how much you can learn from this.

The obvious solution there is to get rid of the host cells and try to have the human cells take over their functions. But that option runs into all sorts of problems, largely related to the fact that the organism you’re implanting them into (generally a mouse) actually needs its brain cells. Human neurons mature much more slowly than those of mice and may not form the connections that are needed quickly enough for an animal that only requires 21 days of gestation. In the absence of normal mouse tissue, nothing would provide the human cells with the signals that help organize them into functional units.

The Stanford team decided to test a compromise and delete a portion of the mouse’s brain and put human brain organoids in its place. But they took a bold step and chose the cortex as the portion they would delete. The cortex handles many of the complex features of the nervous system, such as decision-making and memory, and its disruption would be expected to have dramatic consequences. Still, the researchers found a gene that is active in almost all cortical cells and used it to drive the deletion of a key gene that’s needed to separate chromosomes during cell division.

Amazingly, despite killing off most of the cells that should go on to form the mature cortex and cutting the brain’s volume in half, it was possible for the mice to survive this. The researchers had to eliminate most of the other pups to ensure the cortex-free mice got enough nursing. They left them with their mothers to nurse longer and then provided them with very high-calorie food. But these steps allowed nearly full survival of mice without much in the way of a cortex. (The mice were also immunocompromised to avoid an immune reaction to human cells, but this is less of an issue in a sterile mouse care facility.)

With that in place, the researchers then started implanting human cortex organoids into the area where the mouse’s cortex was no longer developing.

Partial recovery

A bit over 85 percent of the animals that were implanted with a human organoid successfully incorporated the graft tissues. Those went on to contribute 92 percent of the cells found in the cortex of these animals. So, it wasn’t a complete replacement, but the human cells largely took over the space normally occupied by the cortex. Once there, they formed all the major types of neurons that are known to be present in the cortex. So, all that is good.

The human cells also formed some long-distance connections, as evidenced by the fact that processes from human cells were detected as far away as the spinal cord. And the neurons did engage in synchronized activity spikes, suggesting a degree of coordination.

The less good is a general lack of structure. There is some indication of local organization, in that specific cell types that form within distinct layers of a normal cortex tended to be near each other in the cortex of these animals. But there was no sign of those distinct layers being formed, suggesting that larger-scale organization is lacking.

What does this mean for the mice? Overall, it appears that having a disorganized human replacement cortex was better than having no cortex at all, but not as good as having a normally structured one.

The researchers set them loose in an area with video monitoring and then used a machine-learning classifier to group similar behavior patterns. Normal mice and the mice that had their cortex eliminated showed distinct patterns of behavior. The mice with a humanized cortex formed a third cluster, distinct from the other two. Similar things were true with body weight: mice that lacked a cortex were much lighter than normal mice, but the ones with the humanized cortex were intermediate between the two.

Tested for memory in a simple maze, the mice without a cortex performed at a level consistent with random chance. Mice with the humanized cortex did better than chance, but not as well as normal mice. But on a test of the ability to form associative memories, the mice with a humanized cortex did no better than the mice with no cortex at all. On tests of fine motor coordination, the mice with the human implants were again somewhere between the normal and cortex-free mice.

What’s needed

The research team hasn’t described the sort of careful study of anatomy and development needed to draw any conclusions about what structures may be formed by the human cells once they’re within the mice, much less tried to quantify any variation among individuals that might give us some hints of what sort of capacity these animals might be expected to have. As a result, it’s impossible to associate the mild improvements that come from having the human cells present with any specific function they’re providing.

As a result, this isn’t yet the sort of model system that can help us understand the sorts of complex neural diseases that we might ultimately be interested in using this for. They do show that the human cells respond differently to brief periods of hypoxia, consistent with what we see in normal human cells. But that’s quite a bit different from showing that this is a great model for something like ALS.

There remains a chance that it ultimately won’t be—that the sorts of disorganized connections that do get formed in these brains will never make them a good model for human neural processing. But without further characterization of what the cells are doing in these humanized cortexes, it’s going to be difficult to know.

Nature, 2026. DOI: 10.1038/s41586-026-11032-2 (About DOIs).

Resistance airbase hit heralds a wider drone war in Myanmar

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Resistance airbase hit heralds a wider drone war in Myanmar

It was an operation far too long in the making, but even if late in the fight, Myanmar’s armed opposition finally achieved the coup their supporters had almost despaired of seeing: a concerted drone attack on one of a network of air bases that for nearly six years have served as launchpads for thousands of lethal strikes on defenseless civilian communities and struggling resistance fighters across the country.  

Providing a badly needed fillip to sagging opposition morale, both at home and abroad, the September 10 attack on Tada-U airbase, co-located with Mandalay International Airport 35 kilometers south of Myanmar’s second largest city, was not just payback that deflated the near-total impunity enjoyed by the Myanmar Air Force (MAF).

It was also a first with potentially significant implications for the future of the conflict that relied crucially on fiber-optic first-person view (FPV) technology – guidance by means of a hair-thin wire spooling out from a drone that enables operators to evade electronic jamming measures around key installations.

The pressure on resistance leadership from grassroots People’s Defense Force (PDF) units across central Myanmar to provide them with the means to replicate the FPV successes demonstrated both at Tadu-U and in recent battles along the Ayeyarwady River waged by their allies of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) will now inevitably rise sharply. So too will the potential for increased financial donations to opposition coffers from re-energized diaspora and domestic supporters.

But while the technical know-how is now demonstrably in resistance hands, the details of the airbase attack highlighted operational and political questions about how far and how fast fiber-optic drones can impact Myanmar’s broader battlespace over the coming months and into 2027.

Involving six small quad-copter drones flown from a village to the southwest, the attack unfolded in the late morning and appears to have primarily targeted hangars in the base area at the southern end of the runway, well over two kilometers from the civilian terminal building of the international airport.

Video footage from cameras mounted on the drones, released the following day by the Myingyan District Drone Strike (MDSS) under the Myingyan District Military Command of the opposition National Unity Government (NUG), showed drones descending toward a row of hangars housing Yakovlev Yak-130 jet-trainer and light attack aircraft.

Whether by happenstance or good planning, the target was well chosen. Before the attack, the MAF is understood to have operated 24 of the heavily armed Russian-built jets, which, since the induction of an initial tranche of six in 2017, have emerged as its most lethally effective ground-attack platform.

The extent of the damage to the jets was impossible to discern from the footage, which blacked out as the drones struck briefly visible protective netting draped across the hangar openings – a defensive measure indicating that the military already took the resistance’s drone threat seriously. However, an image later posted on social media showed one of the drones flown in the attack lying unexploded on a nearby taxiway.

In addition to a fiber-optic spool, the quadcopter carried a relatively small explosive device, which one Myanmar military analyst later assessed was comparable to a 60mm mortar bomb, a munition with a lethal radius of around 15 meters. The proximity of the netting where the explosion occurred to the aircraft’s nose sections means the drones almost certainly damaged one or more jets. But the available footage does not indicate that the aircraft were destroyed.

A statement later released by the NUG noted that drones accurately targeted areas where the Yak-130 fighters were parked, but notably did not claim that they had been destroyed. And on the regime side of the reporting ledger, the state-run Global New Light of Myanmar daily claimed that the drones had been “successfully intercepted …using counter-drone measures.”

Beyond the hangars, the raid was harder-hitting. Additional footage released by the MDDS showed one drone descending directly towards ground personnel running for cover across a nearby open area where a vehicle was parked.

A NUG statement later claimed that five MAF personnel had been killed in the operation, including Colonel Myo Hlaing Oo of Air Defense Unit No. 7. It also added that three opposition fighters had also been killed – in a response by security forces that appeared to have unfolded with notable alacrity and precision.  

The attack was not the first operation in the current civil war using FPV drones to target a MAF airbase. On December 4, 2025, PDF fighters used at least two unmanned combat air systems (UCAS) to attack Toungoo Airbase in eastern Myanmar, apparently targeting the air traffic control tower and an adjacent electronic jammer installation. No MAF aircraft were seen in footage later released by the PDF.

The Tada-U operation was, however, the first evidently well-planned drone attack deploying multiple fiber-optic FPVs to effect and, to this extent, crossed a watershed in opposition capability that, despite the decisive impact of the technology on battlefields in Ukraine and south Lebanon in 2025, has been slow to reach Myanmar.

The challenge now facing resistance forces will be to translate one tactical success into strategic impact capable of disrupting not merely MAF air operations but also critical infrastructure including fuel and ammunition dumps and supply lines countrywide – not all of which can be covered by netting.

Achieving that level of strategic saturation will hinge crucially on the extent to which the opposition alliance, the Steering Council for the Emergence of a Federal Democratic Union (SCEF) – formed earlier this year to include the NUG and major Kachin, Karen and Chin ethnic factions – can prioritize both the sourcing and assembly at scale of component parts required for one or two standardized FPV models and train the personnel needed to pilot them.

Given the logistical challenges of cross-border supply chains and the SCEF’s still-untested capacity to translate press statements into real-world operations, this will not be simple. It implies a level of joint planning and coordination that in central Myanmar is still embryonic at best. The good news for the federal opposition is that a template for success is evidently already in operation.

In recent weeks, the KIA has relied heavily on FPV drones in a largely successful effort to block military flotillas sailing over 330 kilometers up the Ayeyarwady from Mandalay to relieve the embattled city of Bhamo near the Chinese border.

In decisive battles from late August into September, KIA drones repeatedly sank and disabled supply barges and the gunboats escorting them through narrow defiles between the river port of Shwegu and Bhamo.

The KIA’s rainy season Ayeyarwady campaign clearly did not unfold reactively. There can be no doubt it hinged crucially on strategic planning aimed at severing the military regime’s riverine lifeline to Bhamo and the north of Kachin State beyond and developing a drone capability commensurate with the mission that notably was not evident last year. That, in turn, implied industrial-scale production and operational distribution that achieved striking results.

Whether part of that KIA distribution reached south to PDFs on the flatlands around Tada-U, an important launchpad for air raids across Kachin State, remains unclear. But against the backdrop of evolving battlefield connectivity across resistance ranks, it is far from impossible.  

IOM says 2,776 Yemenis crossed into Djibouti amid west coast fighting

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IOM says 2,776 Yemenis crossed into Djibouti amid west coast fighting

More than 2,700 Yemenis have crossed into Djibouti since the beginning of September amid escalating fighting along Yemen’s western coast, while more than 104,000 people have been displaced within Yemen during the same period, the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) said on Wednesday.

According to the UN agency’s latest figures, 2,776 people have crossed from Yemen to Djibouti as the humanitarian impact of the renewed fighting continues to grow.

The IOM said it was providing emergency assistance to the new arrivals in Djibouti, including 1,500 hot meals twice a day.

Fighting between forces aligned with Yemen’s internationally recognized government and the Houthi movement has intensified in recent months following a prolonged period of comparatively lower levels of hostilities.

Within Yemen, the IOM said 104,796 people, representing 17,461 families, had been internally displaced since the beginning of September as fighting continued along the country’s West Coast.

READ: 117 journalists displaced from Yemen’s western coast amid escalation: Report

“Yemen is a country torn apart by war, displacement, poverty and climate impacts,” IOM Director General Amy Pope said. “It is unacceptable to ignore the suffering of civilians as needs continue to rise.”

Humanitarian workers cited by the organisation said displacement was occurring so rapidly that aid agencies were struggling to track movements in real time. Some families were reportedly fleeing at night with few belongings because of the fighting.

Taiz governorate has recorded the largest number of newly displaced people, with more than 63,000, according to the IOM figures.

Around 26,400 people have been displaced in neighbouring Lahj governorate, while more than 3,500 have been recorded in Aden.

The IOM said displacement was also increasing in Abyan, Hadhramaut and Marib governorates as the effects of the fighting spread to additional parts of the country.

READ: Saudi Arabia warns of Houthi threats to Red Sea navigation

US Restricts Visas for Abbas, Palestinian Officials Ahead of UN General Assembly 

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US Restricts Visas for Abbas, Palestinian Officials Ahead of UN General Assembly 


The US State Department has restricted visas for Palestinian officials ahead of the UN General Assembly in New York, including Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas, saying Palestinian leaders have failed to meet commitments to the United States and are taking steps that undermine prospects for peace. 

Abbas, who was scheduled to speak on September 24, was not named in the State Department statement but is included in the restrictions. 

The move follows a State Department determination that the Palestinian Authority and Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) had again failed to comply with commitments under the PLO Commitments Compliance Act of 1989 and the Middle East Peace Commitments Act of 2002. 

Washington cited Palestinian actions at international organizations, including efforts involving the International Criminal Court and International Court of Justice, which it said sought to “internationalize the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict.” It also accused Palestinian officials of trying to bypass negotiations by seeking unilateral recognition. 

Other concerns cited by the State Department included continued payments of stipends to terrorists and the glorification of terrorism and terrorists in public statements and school textbooks. 

“As a consequence of their failure to reform, contrary to their commitments to the United States, and their ongoing activities that undermine the prospects for peace, the United States will extend sanctions that deny visas to PLO members and PA officials in accordance with section 604(a)(1) of the MEPCA,” the statement said. 

An existing waiver will remain in place for personnel assigned to the PLO Observer Mission to the United Nations. 

The State Department said the restrictions were intended to impose consequences for Palestinian actions rather than prevent the UN mission from operating. 

“It is in our national interest to impose consequences and hold the PLO and PA accountable for glorifying terrorism,” it said. 

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