China is harping non-stop about resurging Japanese “militarism” – but almost nobody in the Asia-Pacific region is listening – or believes it.
The more China blusters and warns of a dangerous Japan, the more ridiculous it looks and the better Japan appears by comparison.
Make no mistake, Japan caused plenty of misery in the region during the 1930s and 1940s. But World War II ended 81 years ago and today’s democratic, consensually governed Japan is another country.
That’s been obvious for a long time. Even in 1990, when US Marine General Hank Stackpole described US forces in Japan as the “cap in the bottle” that kept Japanese militarism in check, the idea seemed outdated.
Japan is well-liked in most of Asia, and has been for decades. Japanese investment and economic assistance are welcomed across Asia, and Japan’s role in regional security is now widely taken for granted.
But the idea that Japan is feared in the region because of World War II still persists, particularly among parts of the Western foreign policy commentariat. So it’s worth taking a closer look.
India: 1.4 billion Indians have a soft spot for Japan. Tokyo is viewed as having helped bring about Indian independence via its support for the Indian nationalist movement before and during World War Two. Commercial ties are vast, and bilateral defense ties are expanding.
Philippines: Japan has been a major and welcome investor and aid provider for years. And substantial defense ties have grown over the last decade, with Japanese ground forces conducting combat training during this year’s Balikatan Exercise.
Taiwan: Good feelings exist towards Japan, and the colonial era from 1895-1945, when Japan controlled Formosa, is not a sore point. Taiwan’s elected government would like even better ties with Japan, including a security relationship.
Singapore: The Japanese occupation from 1942-1945 was brutal and is not forgotten, but Singapore and Japan today have excellent relations. Tellingly, Singapore’s Prime Minister Lawrence Wong has stated that Singapore and other Southeast Asian countries support Japan playing a bigger regional role, including on the security front.
Malaysia: Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim recently met Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi and confirmed their “comprehensive strategic partnership” and specifically mentioned expanded defense ties. Japan and Malaysia are currently discussing the transfer of retired Maritime Special-Defense Force ships to Malaysia.
Indonesia: In addition to being a major investor in Indonesia, Japan is seen as having helped rid Indonesia of Dutch colonial rule. The two nations cooperate on defense and are discussing transferring retired Japanese Asagiri-class destroyers to the Indonesian Navy.
Vietnam: Solid economic ties exist, along with Japan Coast Guard support for the Vietnam Coast Guard. And like Indonesia, Vietnam credits Japan with a role in bringing about Vietnamese independence from colonial France.
Thailand: A hub of Japanese commercial activity in the region for decades, ties are strong, including between the two nations’ royal families. Japan has also quietly built a notable defense relationship with Thailand.
Australia: Beyond longstanding economic and political ties, Canberra recently signed an agreement to buy Japanese Mogami-class destroyers and defense ties have deepened in both directions over the last 15 years. Australia has plenty of reasons to resent Japan’s cruel behavior toward Australian prisoners of war in World War II, but it doesn’t.
Pacific Islands: From the Solomon Islands to Micronesia to the US territories of the Commonwealth of Northern Mariana Islands and Guam, Japan is well-liked and appreciated for its development assistance and commercial presence. The Japan Self-Defense Force’s periodic visits and training activities in the region are conducted with little fanfare – and without any objection from Pacific Island nations.
However, despite this widespread respect and affection for Japan, there are less favorable views of Japan and the Japanese to be found.
South Korea: There is a widespread visceral resentment of Japan owing to Japan’s colonial occupation, but there are limits. It’s also manipulated for political gain by South Korea’s leftist politicians.
Paradoxically, many Koreans love visiting Japan. The two nations have had reasonable defense ties in the past, and under the leftist Lee Jae Myung administration, the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force and the ROK Navy recently conducted search-and-rescue exercises together.
China: The Japanese in China from the 1930s onwards were often brutal. But the Chinese Communist Party that killed at least 50 million of its own people in peacetime and good weather in the years after the Japanese left, was glad to accept Japan’s overseas development assistance (ODA) and welcomed Japanese investment and the technology that came with it.
While plenty of deep-seated animosity towards Japan does exist, it’s only in the last 20 years or so that the CCP has aggressively stoked historical resentments for political advantage. This is done both for domestic purposes and also to put Japan on the back foot as it belatedly seeks to improve defenses against an assertive China.
Even still, millions of Chinese visit Japan as tourists and an estimated one million or so Chinese now live there.
The cliche “Asia is afraid of Japan owing to World War II” doesn’t stand up to scrutiny. And even if Japan carries out its plans to bolster its defenses, it would still be incapable of projecting power to threaten its neighbors.
Indeed, it’s ironic that while Beijing warns of Japanese militarism, it is China that has built up a powerful military with regional and global ambitions despite facing no enemies. In fact, China seems to be aiming to create its own version of Japan’s Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere that led to war and misery in the 1930’s and 1940’s.
Apparently, Beijing has learned from Japan’s history after all.
Grant Newsham is a retired US Marine officer and former US diplomat. He was the first Marine liaison officer to the Japan Self-Defense Force, and is a fellow at the Center for Security Policy and the Yorktown Institute. He is the author of the book, “When China Attacks: A Warning To America.”
