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Ex-Trump Campaign Chief Funneled Millions of Israeli Government Money to His Longtime Allies’ Companies

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Ex-Trump Campaign Chief Funneled Millions of Israeli Government Money to His Longtime Allies’ Companies


A company run by former Trump campaign manager Brad Parscale, hired by the Israeli government to push pro-Israel views on a major conservative media network, has directed $13 million from Israel to several Republican digital strategy firms and allies, according to a previously unreported document filed under the Foreign Agents Registration Act. 

Parscale was hired in part to influence major right-wing Christian media company Salem Media Group, where he is also an executive. His firm spent hundreds of thousands on ads with a Salem subsidiary. As part of the contract, Parscale’s firm also sent millions to other firms run by some of his closest political allies.

Parscale has spent hundreds of thousands on ads with a subsidiary of Salem Media Group, where he is an executive.

The new filing sheds light on a more detailed web of interconnected companies and political operatives capitalizing on Parscale’s contract with the Israeli government. Many of the companies getting work as part of Parscale’s Israel contract are being reported here for the first time.

Among those that received millions of dollars’ worth of payments related to the contract are ventures like SparkFire, an AI chatbot company leading a mass texting campaign, and a shadowy firm run by longtime mainstream Republican strategist Mike Shields. (None of the figures or firms in this story responded to requests for comment.)

Israel initially directly hired Parscale’s firm, Clock Tower X, last September with a contract worth $6 million. The new filing reveals that his firm has received over $15 million from Havas Media Network, an international media company, on behalf of the Israeli state.

The document shows that Parscale directed over $500,000 for ads to Salem Media Representatives, a subsidiary of Salem Media. Although Parscale was hired to integrate pro-Israel messaging into Salem Media shows — which feature conservative commentators such as Hugh Hewitt, Larry Elder, and Scott Jennings — these payments to the conservative media conglomerate on behalf of Israel were not previously known.

Parscale, who is the chief strategy officer for Salem Media, is not the only registered representative of Israel working for the media company. 

One of Parscale’s team members working on the Israel contract, Ashley Evdokimo, is Salem’s vice president for communications. According to her LinkedIn profile, Evdokimo, who works with Parscale at his digital strategy company Campaign Nucleus, took a position at Salem Media in September 2025, the same month that Parscale was hired to work for the Israeli government. A month later, Evdokimo registered as a foreign agent for Israel.

A Parscale Partnership

One of the largest recipients of the Israeli funds coming in through Parscale’s contract is a firm called Portman Road Strategies, which is run by longtime GOP strategist Mike Shields, according to Virginia state records. Shields’s firm received just under $5 million from Parscale as part of the contract in exchange for media placement, consulting, polling, and advertising work. 

Shields, a longtime Parscale ally, is also largely responsible for staffing the contract with the Israeli government. Of Parscale’s 18 team members at Clock Tower X, 14 are staffers at Convergence Media, a “campaign strategy, digital, public affairs & media firm” led by Shields.

During the first Trump administration, Shields and Parscale operated as a package deal, consistently recommending each other’s services as both became power brokers in Trump world. Parscale frequently convinced GOP campaigns — including that of Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis — to hire Shields’s Convergence Media. The duo are now applying their digital influence campaign playbook to Israel. According to his bio, Shields was also a CNN commentator, a former chief of staff for the Republican National Committee, and a strategist for former Republican House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif.

Shields, a longtime Parscale ally, is also largely responsible for staffing the contract with the Israeli government.

Parscale directed another $6 million of the Israeli funds to SparkFire Technologies, an AI chatbot company. SparkFire’s role was previously unknown, but it was related to a campaign of text messages that was first reported by Responsible Statecraft. Under the contract, Parscale’s firm reaches out to Americans under the auspices of supposed “peace” organizations. 

SparkFire’s main service, called the flywheel, uses AI to reach out to people with personalized messages. The AI then performs an analysis on the conversation, with SparkFire storing the data and using it to target messages to the recipient.

Bot texts sent by SparkFire can appear compassionate, understanding, and referential, based on screenshots shared with the Intercept and Responsible Statecraft.

SparkFire claims these types of conversations are highly effective. The company boasts its messaging had a 45 percent conversion rate, suggesting almost half of the recipients were persuaded by the AI-powered conversation. While the scale of its text campaigns is unknown, SparkFire says it can reach millions of people.

In text conversations with Americans about Israel, SparkFire’s bots frequently push links to pro-Israel websites and videos created by Parscale. One video, posted by a YouTube channel called Allies for Peace, claims that the narrative of suffering in Gaza was manufactured.

The pro-Israel websites and videos created for the initiative are also intended to influence artificial intelligence platforms like ChatGPT and Claude that scrape the internet for content.

Parscale’s websites include a legal disclaimer that they were created on behalf of the Israeli government. To identify the connection to paid pro-Israel advocacy, users of ChatGPT and Claude would have to ask the chatbot for sources, click the links to Parscale’s websites, and then scroll to the bottom of the pages to see that they are receiving information from a contractor for Israel.

Israel-Loving Oil Tycoon

Another company that appears to be involved with Parscale’s Israel contract is Jackson Parker, whose Florida chapter was founded by Parscale and billionaire oil tycoon Tim Dunn in early 2025. The company shares an Ohio office with several other Parscale companies working on the Israel project.

A recent job listing from Jackson Parker for a director of strategic communications says, “We are a mission-driven organization focused on combating anti-Semitism and strengthening public understanding of Israel as America’s closest ally in the Middle East.” One of the position’s requirements, the listing says, is to maintain compliance with the Foreign Agents Registration Act, or FARA.

Dunn, a major Trump donor, is an evangelical preacher and billionaire who has spent tens of millions of dollars to push Texas towards a Christian governance model. He’s staunchly pro-Israel and chairs the Christian Advisory Board of the Israel Allies Foundation. Dunn once told a Jewish Republican Texas House speaker, however, that only Christians should hold leadership positions in the statehouse. 

Parscale’s work is part of a broader strategy by the Israeli government to win back support from young conservatives and evangelicals.

Dunn is also heavily involved in the recently announced purchase of Salem Media. Earlier this month, WaterStone, a Colorado-based nonprofit that already controlled a 49.5 percent voting interest in Salem Media, said it would acquire the remaining shares of the company at a 250 percent premium of its recent share price, taking the company private. Hexagon Foundation, a nonprofit led by Dunn, is the largest institutional donor to WaterStone. Dunn’s organization, which says its mission is to support WaterStone, gave $70 million to Salem’s new owners in 2025.

On LinkedIn, an employee of another company called Three Tech, which received close to half a million dollars from the Israel contract, wrote “come work with us” and then shared job listings from Jackson Parker. 

Three Tech, a software development company founded in 2024, is connected to a constellation of interwoven firms run by Parscale in Ohio and Texas that have been paid with Israeli government money. Three Tech is listed as a “certified partner” of a marketing firm that shares Clock Tower X’s Medina, Ohio, address (along with another Parscale company receiving Israeli money as part of this deal, AI company Eyesover). According to the CEO’s LinkedIn, Three Tech uses a team of “80 Serbian engineers.”

Parscale’s work, with the help of subcontractors, is part of a broader strategy by the Israeli government to win back support from young conservatives and evangelicals. Fifty-seven percent of Republicans aged 18 to 49 have an unfavorable opinion of Israel, according to a Pew poll from March.

Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu’s government has ramped up spending on influence operations. Earlier this year, Israel more than quadrupled its public diplomacy budget from $150 million in 2025 to $730 million in 2026.

Apple reportedly trying to distill Google’s multi-trillion-parameter Gemini AI to run on iPhone

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Apple reportedly trying to distill Google’s multi-trillion-parameter Gemini AI to run on iPhone

It’s impossible to totally avoid generative AI when interacting with technology anymore, but Apple has a bit less of it. That’s not entirely by choice, though. The iPhone maker has delayed the AI-enhanced Siri multiple times since first promising it in 2024, but a deal with Google will merge the iconic assistant with Gemini later this year. As we approach WWDC, Apple has been working to bring big AI smarts to the modest processing environment of a smartphone. Apple fans may not like the outcome, though.

Apple has long crowed about the privacy value of running AI locally, but a new report suggests that despite Apple’s best efforts, the iPhone’s Gemini makeover will lean heavily on Google and Nvidia in the cloud. The Information reports that Apple’s Gemini-infused Siri will run both on-device and in the cloud, an apparent reversal of its privacy-focused preference for local AI.

With every new chip announcement, we hear about how the silicon has been optimized for AI—even Apple does this with its focus on Neural Engine upgrades. You may think from the grandiose language that smartphones are equipped to handle beefy AI models, but that’s not necessarily the case. In fact, the GPUs in most phones can process more AI tokens than the AI-focused NPUs. Components like Apple’s Neural Engine are designed for contextual, efficient AI processing. Even if phones had faster AI processing, they lack the RAM to keep enormous models in memory.

Even the largest AI models are still middling assistants, and that makes local AI very challenging. The AI models that run on phones are physically smaller, featuring at most a few billion parameters. Compare that to Google’s latest Gemini models, which have trillions of parameters, The Information reports. On-device AI models are also “quantized” to run at lower precision, making them faster but affecting the accuracy of token generation. This all adds up to AIs that feel less smart than their cloud brethren, and even big cloud-based models can be pretty dumb sometimes.

The amazing, shrinking Gemini

Google does have versions of Gemini optimized for mobile devices, which it calls Gemini Nano. However, these are designed for powering contextual features like Magic Cue and audio summarization. Siri, on the other hand, is supposed to be a conversational assistant—you talk to it and it does things. That’s a different experience that requires a different kind of model. On Android, Google doesn’t even bother trying to do that locally. Talking to Gemini always goes straight to the cloud.

After inking the Google deal, Apple apparently got to work distilling Google’s giant cloud-based Gemini models. Distillation is a process in which a small, less resource-intensive model learns to mimic a large, expensive one. With enough time, this can reliably transfer useful capabilities while pruning less important weights from the model. That may enable Siri to handle some tasks with private local compute, but a cloud component looks inevitable.

Processing users’ AI data in the cloud could be a problem for Apple. At WWDC, the company will probably promote its years of experience designing chips and how well that positions it for AI. However, The Information claims that Apple has struggled to even get Google’s massive undistilled Gemini models running on its custom Private Cloud Compute infrastructure, which runs on M-series Mac chips.

When the smarter Siri rolls out, it will probably route more complex tasks to Google’s cloud infrastructure instead of Apple’s, but it won’t be running on Google TPUs. Apple has reportedly signed a deal with Nvidia to use its Confidential Computing platform for this purpose. Confidential Computing keeps data encrypted on Nvidia GPUs while it’s being processed in the cloud, which could help Apple claim it’s still sensitive to user privacy concerns. It might even retain its own Private Cloud Compute branding for the system.

The iPhone probably won’t tell you which version of Gemini is handling individual Siri requests. Device makers designing hybrid systems that rely on local and cloud-based AI like to talk about making the experience feel “seamless.” There might be clues, though.

We’re all familiar with the sluggishness of big AI models, which can churn for a long time while they generate tokens. Nvidia’s fully encrypted Confidential Compute does slow processing compared to other AI options. Users may find it more noticeable when Siri has to talk to a remote server, but local AI will only get you so far when the best models can only run on multi-million-dollar servers.

South Korea’s Starbucks furor revives an illiberal habit

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South Korea’s Starbucks furor revives an illiberal habit

South Korea’s latest Starbucks controversy is not only about a badly judged marketing campaign. It is about a recurring political habit: When public outrage gathers force, powerful actors treat collective denunciation as a substitute for due process and proportionate judgment. The result is a modern form of meongseokmari-style justice.

Meongseokmari literally means “rolling someone in a straw mat.” Historically, it referred to rough private punishment after an informal public trial by village or interest-group leaders. In modern Korea, the image captures how quickly moral accusation can become collective punishment.

Starbucks Korea’s “Tank Day” promotion was part of a sequence of tumbler promotions: “Dante Day,” “Tank Day,” and “Nasu Day.” Promotional images included snappy phrases. “Perfect for One Hand!” “Tak on the table!” “Fits Right in Your Bag!”

Activists declared the May 18 “Tank Day” event insensitive because May 18 is the anniversary of the 1980 Gwangju Democratic Uprising. They associated “5/18,” “Tank Day,” and “Tak on the table!” with state violence and the Park Jong-chul torture-death case.

 Starbucks Korea withdrew the campaign, its conglomerate owner Shinsegae issued apologies and the local Starbucks Korea chief was fired.

A free society allows criticism. The question is whether criticism becomes punishment without proportion, evidence of intent or due process, and whether the government, which retains a monopoly on legitimate coercive power, should get involved.

The symbolic controversy requires disaggregation. The Gwangju Democratic Uprising occurred between May 18 and May 27, 1980. The Park Jong-chul torture-death case occurred on January 14, 1987, when police falsely claimed that a student activist died after a desk was struck with a “tak” sound.

The controversy therefore did not rest on a single direct historical correspondence. It fused separate memories of authoritarian violence: tanks and military repression associated with Gwangju plus the “tak” phrase associated with Park Jong-chul.

That distinction does not excuse the marketing failure. It strengthens the case for asking whether offense was intentional and whether outrage merged distinct memories into a single moral accusation.

President Lee Jae-myung publicly denounced the company, and the Interior Ministry announced that it would stop offering Starbucks products or vouchers at official events. The controversy therefore moved from consumer criticism to state-amplified punishment.

The pattern recalls the 2019–2020 anti-Japan boycott under the Moon Jae-in administration, when a consumer campaign became a nationwide “No Japan” movement while official rhetoric gave the boycott quasi-official endorsement.

Punishment also spread beyond Starbucks. Actor Jeong Min-chan, who posted photos from a Starbucks visit, stepped down from the musical Diaghilev after the controversy expanded. Jeong later apologized, saying he had been too busy to keep up with current affairs, and that ignorance was also a mistake.

The case shows how quickly moral punishment can spread from a corporation to people tangentially associated with it, even when the alleged offense is a later act of consumption or social media.

A key question was largely overlooked: intent. Did Starbucks Korea, or its CEO, deliberately mock the victims of Gwangju?

Or, rather, did an ordinary corporate marketing calendar produce an offensive coincidence through historical blindness and inadequate review?

Either would be blameworthy, but they are not the same offense.

Liberal societies punish intentional cruelty more severely than negligent stupidity because culpability matters. Meongseokmari collapses that distinction. It asks only whether the crowd has found a morally satisfying target.

The arbitrariness becomes clearer when one compares the “March 26” events. On that date in 2010, North Korea allegedly sank the South Korean naval corvette Cheonan, killing 46 sailors. Yet Starbucks Korea launched “Dear20” on March 26, 2026, a program for Starbucks Rewards members in their twenties, and Shinsegae Group also announced Starbucks Landers Shopping Festa promotions that day.

If one applies the most punitive logic, this might be called offensive because many of the dead sailors were young men. Yet Korea’s political class did not mobilize against Starbucks on March 26. (Here it’s worth noting that, this time, South Korea’s nationwide local elections are only a week away, with voting set for June 3, 2026.)

This does not mean Cheonan and Gwangju are identical. The point is that public punishment often depends less on consistent principles than on which memory is politically activated, which faction controls the state and media and which target is socially safe to punish.

Consumers have every right to boycott. Victims’ groups have every right to protest. Journalists have every right to criticize. But presidents and ministers hold coercive authority. Their words signal which private actors deserve exclusion from public life. The Jeong case shows how that signal can travel beyond the original corporate actor to celebrities, employees, customers, and others whose connection to the controversy is indirect.

South Korea’s democratic achievement is real. Yet its public culture retains an illiberal temptation: to treat collective denunciation as civic virtue. Conservatives have their own versions around anti-communism, national security, gender conflict and anti-China sentiment. The danger grows when the ruling party, whichever party it is, dresses communal punishment in the language of justice and uses moral memory to discipline companies or ordinary citizens. 

The Starbucks campaign may have deserved criticism. It certainly did not justify a ritual of ever-expanding punishment from the company to its customers, public partners and associated celebrities. Democratic memory should teach restraint as well as indignation. If Gwangju means anything politically, it should mean resistance to arbitrary power, not its reproduction through state-amplified meongseokmari.

Joseph Yi, an associate professor of political science at Hanyang University, was born in Gwangju, South Korea, and writes on democracy, civil society and open inquiry. Wondong Lee is a research professor at the Center for International Studies, Inha University.

Funeral held for seven killed in Israeli airstrike in Gaza

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Funeral held for seven killed in Israeli airstrike in Gaza

Funeral procession for seven Palestinians who were killed in an Israeli airstrike targeting a residential apartment on the first day of Eid al-Adha in Gaza City.

Funeral procession takes place for seven Palestinians killed in an Israeli airstrike targeting a residential apartment on the first day of Eid al-Adha in Gaza City, on 28 May 2026 [Mohammmed Asad/Middle East Monitor]

Funeral procession takes place for seven Palestinians killed in an Israeli airstrike targeting a residential apartment on the first day of Eid al-Adha in Gaza City, on 28 May 2026 [Mohammmed Asad/Middle East Monitor]

Funeral procession takes place for seven Palestinians killed in an Israeli airstrike targeting a residential apartment on the first day of Eid al-Adha in Gaza City, on 28 May 2026 [Mohammmed Asad/Middle East Monitor]

Funeral procession takes place for seven Palestinians killed in an Israeli airstrike targeting a residential apartment on the first day of Eid al-Adha in Gaza City, on 28 May 2026 [Mohammmed Asad/Middle East Monitor]

Funeral procession takes place for seven Palestinians killed in an Israeli airstrike targeting a residential apartment on the first day of Eid al-Adha in Gaza City, on 28 May 2026 [Mohammmed Asad/Middle East Monitor]

Funeral procession takes place for seven Palestinians killed in an Israeli airstrike targeting a residential apartment on the first day of Eid al-Adha in Gaza City, on 28 May 2026 [Mohammmed Asad/Middle East Monitor]

Funeral procession takes place for seven Palestinians killed in an Israeli airstrike targeting a residential apartment on the first day of Eid al-Adha in Gaza City, on 28 May 2026 [Mohammmed Asad/Middle East Monitor]

Funeral procession takes place for seven Palestinians killed in an Israeli airstrike targeting a residential apartment on the first day of Eid al-Adha in Gaza City, on 28 May 2026 [Mohammmed Asad/Middle East Monitor]

Funeral procession takes place for seven Palestinians killed in an Israeli airstrike targeting a residential apartment on the first day of Eid al-Adha in Gaza City, on 28 May 2026 [Mohammmed Asad/Middle East Monitor]

Funeral procession takes place for seven Palestinians killed in an Israeli airstrike targeting a residential apartment on the first day of Eid al-Adha in Gaza City, on 28 May 2026 [Mohammmed Asad/Middle East Monitor]

Italy in favour of Ukraine joining EU

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Italy in favour of Ukraine joining EU


Italy’s government supports Ukraine joining the European Union, Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani said on Thursday, while stressing that accession talks for Balkan countries seeking membership should not be pushed aside.

Tajani’s comments came a day after Deputy Premier Matteo Salvini’s League party said it was “absolutely opposed” to Ukraine joining the EU, exposing divisions within Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s ruling coalition.

The European Commission is expected next month to propose opening the first cluster of accession negotiations with Ukraine.

Speaking in Limassol, Cyprus, where he was attending a meeting of EU ministers, Tajani said Italy backed Ukraine’s eventual entry into the bloc but argued that timing remained the central issue.

“The government is in favour of Ukraine’s accession to the European Union,” Tajani said.

“The problem is the timing; the best formula is being explored at the European level.

“There are many proposals on the table, but I repeat: Ukraine is fine, we will help them, but it’s important not to sideline the accession of the Balkans, which is a priority for us”.

The League said on Wednesday that Ukraine’s membership would cause “economic and social harm”.

The party, led by Salvini, is part of the governing alliance supporting Meloni’s administration.

Opposition parties criticised the League’s position, with the centre-left Democratic Party accusing it of maintaining a pro-Russia stance.

“The Meloni government must disavow the League, which continues to pursue a pro-Russia agenda,” the Democratic Party said.

Trump’s call to expand Abraham accords is destined to fail

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Trump’s call to expand Abraham accords is destined to fail

As negotiations to end the Iran war continued on May 25, Donald Trump made a series of phone calls in which he pressed key leaders from the Middle East to join the Abraham accords. Announced in 2020, these accords established diplomatic relations between Israel and several Arab states, beginning with the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Bahrain.

The US president reiterated his proposal in a social media post later that day: “After all the work done by the United States to try and pull this very complex puzzle together, it should be mandatory that all of these countries, at a minimum, simultaneously, sign the Abraham accords.”

Trump’s post suggested that Iran could also join the accords. This really would be something, given that one motivation for signing the accords was to push back against Iranian influence in the region. Sadly for Trump, this is wishful thinking at best.

Few Middle Eastern leaders can agree to Trump’s proposal. In comments published by Politico on May 26, one unnamed former US diplomat described Trump’s comments as a “poison pill”. They added he had created new “conditions for peace that neither Iran nor the states in question will accept”.

In advocating this approach, Trump misreads the vitriol held by many across the Middle East – and beyond – about Israel’s actions in Gaza and Lebanon. The official death toll in Gaza, where Israel has fought a military campaign since 2023, stands at over 70,000 people. A further 170,000 people have been injured amid what many are calling a “genocide”.

In southern Lebanon, Israel has used ground troops and a relentless campaign of air attacks since the beginning of the Iran war in what appears to be an attempt to secure a “buffer zone” against attacks from Hezbollah. More than 3,200 people there have been killed so far, with a further 7,500 injured and millions forced from their homes. This is despite the signing of a ceasefire between Israel and the Lebanese government in April.

Opposing Trump’s proposal

The destruction of Gaza angered Bahrain and the UAE, with Manama recalling its ambassador to Israel shortly after the start of the war. But neither country withdrew from the Abraham accords. Instead, trade and security collaboration continued with both taking the stance that working more closely with Israel would be in the best interests of their states.

Yet Bahrain and the UAE are outliers in the Middle East. Other countries are far less willing, or able, to normalise with Israel. When US officials visited Saudi Arabia in 2024, four years after the signing of the accords, Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman is said to have told them he feared being killed if he normalised relations with Israel.

Though many have argued the Saudi Kingdom was close to normalising relations with Israel before the war in Gaza, this has been largely rejected by Saudi officials. And since the outbreak of the Gaza war, bin Salman and other Saudi officials have repeatedly stressed that normalisation of diplomatic relations with Israel will not happen without irrevocable steps being taken towards Palestinian statehood.

Meanwhile, tensions between Israel and Turkey have been brewing for some time. In February, the former Israeli prime minister, Naftali Bennett, declared that Turkey was “the next Iran”. More recently, on May 20, Israel’s minister of culture and sports, Miki Zohar, declared that Turkey should be treated as “an enemy state”.

And in Qatar, state officials remain furious with Israel for launching strikes on Doha in 2025 in an attempt to kill key Hamas figures who were based there. Qatar said it had been hosting Hamas figures as part of broader mediation efforts requested by the US and Israel.

The strikes led to a now infamous photo released by the White House of Trump overseeing the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, while he called Qatari prime minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani to apologise.

Benjamin Netanyahu calls Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdul Rahman Al Thani from the White House with Donald Trump watching on.

Benjamin Netanyahu calls Qatar’s prime minister, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdul Rahman Al Thani, from the White House in September 2025. White House, CC BY-NC

The idea of Iran becoming a signatory of the Abraham accords in the immediate aftermath of a devastating war is also fanciful. Tensions between Israel and Iran can be traced back to 1979, when a revolution toppled the Iranian monarchy and led to the establishment of an Islamic republic.

Iran’s new leadership immediately provided support to the Palestinian cause and, in later years, to Hezbollah and other militias across the Middle East. In response, Israel has carried out military strikes on targets across Iran, assassinated key nuclear scientists and more. To suggest disregarding almost half a century of history with little to no efforts at reconciliation is farcical.

Why, then, has Trump suggested such a move? Perhaps it speaks to a need to assuage domestic constituencies within the US, or those in Israel, pushing for wider normalisation between Tel Aviv and the Arab and Muslim worlds.

A second reading is that it is an attempt to prevent diplomatic progress on resolving tensions with Iran by putting an insurmountable obstacle in the way in the form of the demand for normalisation with Israel, perhaps reflecting the plurality of positions on the war found in Washington.

A third view is that this is a move aimed at diminishing the scale of destruction and human suffering that has been wrought on Gaza, the West Bank and Lebanon, in the hope that a form of transactional politics – driven by trade and security – will prove sufficient. But, as Trump will find out, this is a longshot.

A mass killing in the Philippines sparks rare scrutiny over counterinsurgency violence – but no wider reckoning

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A mass killing in the Philippines sparks rare scrutiny over counterinsurgency violence – but no wider reckoning

For nearly 60 years, the Philippine government’s war against the insurgent New People’s Army, or NPA, has rumbled on with little accountability in Manila and scarce scrutiny abroad.

That seemed to change on April 19, 2026, when 19 people were killed by Philippine troops in Toboso, Negros Occidental, the Western Visayas region of the country.

As a scholar of political violence in the Philippines, what I found notable was not only the volume of death but also the intensity of public reaction.

For a media ecosystem that seldom reports on the atrocities of the counterinsurgency, this episode has drawn weeks of political scrutiny. Congress members, Catholic bishops and the country’s Commission on Human Rights have all condemned the killings.

Foreign groups, such as the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights and the largest communications union in the U.S., the Communication Workers of America, have also raised alarm, noting that among those killed were a community journalist and two Filipino American activists.

Such attention to the army’s alleged brutality is important because it is rare; impunity has long been both a motivation and outcome of extrajudicial killings.

But the coverage of the Toboso killings has also revealed an ongoing obstacle to achieving full accountability: a media and public narrative that grieves victims selectively.

Responding to Toboso

According to officials, all of those killed in a series of clashes were combatants of the NPA, a Maoist guerrilla group that seeks to seize political power from Manila. But a recent fact-finding mission carried out in Toboso by civil society groups found at least six of those killed were civilians. The mission also alleges that evidence was planted and bodies were desecrated.

The army blasted the findings as “time-worn propaganda” peddled by the NPA.

On social media especially, many Filipinos have either lambasted the army’s lack of restraint or the NPA’s negligence in exposing civilians to danger.

In an essay for news site Rappler, criminologist Raymund Narag noted that some people were quick to assign blame “not to the gun that fired, but to the bodies that fell. The dead, especially the students and journalists, are accused of choosing their fate. They went to a ‘hotbed of communism,’ we are told.”

American right-wing media and think tanks, such as The Daily Wire and The Manhattan Institute, echoed this view.

Selective grief

Despite the noise, there is a through line in much of this coverage: It highlights certain casualties over others. Nineteen people were killed, but media attention has largely focused on just a handful: University of the Philippines student leader Alyssa Alano, journalist RJ Nichole Ledesma and Filipino American activists Kai Sorem and Lyle Prijoles.

There has been considerably less commentary regarding the other civilians killed: student Maureen Santuyo, community researcher Errol Chen, local resident Roel Sabillo and two unnamed minors. And almost nothing has been said of the 10 NPA recruits killed alongside them.

One wonders why some victims have drawn more attention or, put differently, why others haven’t. In the words of a friend of Santuyo on Facebook, it banishes some of the victims into a category of “others.”

One way of understanding this selective grief, I believe, is to see Toboso as part of a long history in the Philippines of normalizing violence against peasant movements for their purported militancy. In 2025, some 390 people were killed in state-related violence, according to researchers at the University of the Philippines. More than half were civilians.

The deaths of student leaders, journalists and Americans register as shocking due to their perceived higher profile. Even if they knew the risks to their lives, the media narrative goes, they are not the usual fatalities: NPA members and predominantly poor, rural civilians caught up in the violence.

Decades of repression

The selectivity of who is grieved helps clarify the particularly strong public reaction now.

After all, the counterinsurgency against the NPA is the longest-running in the world. It is what journalist Sheila Coronel called the Philippines’ “forever war.”

The NPA formed in 1969 as the military arm of the Communist Party of the Philippines, embracing a Maoist focus on rural peasants and guerrilla warfare. With assassinations and ambushes as its trademark tactic, the NPA was perceived as the chief security threat under longtime dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr. and then reformist President Cory Aquino in the 1980s.

Roland Neveu/LightRocket via Getty Images.

Members of the New People’s Army in the Philippine countryside in 1983.

Every administration since the Marcos dictatorship has directed particular attention to the island of Negros, which has seen considerable NPA activity because of the area’s chronic struggles over land rights. Under Aquino’s “total war” policy, the army declared Negros a priority area, a designation that continued in the 2000s under President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.

Yet for critics of this militarized approach, the army has done less to tame rebellions than to terrorize the island’s peasant communities. Rights groups have documented at least five mass purges of farmers and activists since 1985, making Negros the Philippines’ “massacre capital.”

During the years of right-wing populist President Rodrigo Duterte, attacks were especially rife. From 2016-19, rights group Karapatan tracked 250 extrajudicial killings, 10 disappearances and 450,000 evacuations due to military operations. Such scale was made possible by the government’s National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict, which Duterte created in 2018.

Counterinsurgency today

The task force continues to be active under the current government of Ferdinand Marcos Jr.

Earlier this May – as the Philippines used its chairship of ASEAN to broker peace talks between Thailand and Cambodia – Amnesty International revealed dozens of rights violations across rural Luzon, the most populous island in the Philippines.

Indeed, counterinsurgency operations have only grown under Marcos and been vigorously supported by the U.S. government and military. That support from Washington is the latest instance of a decades-old alliance that grew in the early 1950s and blossomed in particular during the first Marcos presidency.

Despite the recent killings, public confidence in the Armed Forces of the Philippines remains high, sitting at 76% as of May 25, 2026. According to Octa Research, the firm that organized the survey, “The (military’s) consistently high trust and performance ratings reflect the public’s continuing demand for competent, professional, and apolitical institutions that deliver effective public service.”

Reckoning with Toboso

In response to the Toboso killings, lawmakers and civil society groups have called for an independent investigation. Legal scholar Ross Tugade suggests a more proactive Commission on Human Rights. Such are hefty goals for a government that is thinly resourced, decentralized and prone to corruption scandals.

The truth is that reckoning with the killings requires more than overcoming institutional weakness. For me, the greater task lies in fully acknowledging the violence and all its victims.

Steam Deck sells out in North America within 24 hours of price hike

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Steam Deck sells out in North America within 24 hours of price hike

Well, that was fast. Less than 24 hours after Valve announced renewed availability of the Steam Deck OLED (at a massively increased MSRP), the handheld is once again listed as “out of stock” in the US and Canada. Spot checks of other regional Steam stores on Thursday morning showed the hardware as still available across Europe and Australia for the time being, as well as in Asian countries through Valve’s sales partner Komodo.

While it’s hard to know from the outside just how many Steam Deck units sold at the new inflated price, those sales were enough to once again boost the hardware to the top of Steam’s Top Sellers list. That list is based on total revenue over the last 24 hours, though, so the $789 Steam Deck could easily have sold many fewer distinct copies than the highest-ranked software on the current list, the $70 007 First Light.

Valve’s Steam Deck store page notes that the handheld “may be out-of-stock intermittently in some regions due to memory and storage shortages.” But that warning first appeared on the store site back in February, and stock-tracking websites show there have only been exceedingly brief availability windows for Steam Deck purchases between then and now.

That suggests today’s “intermittent” shortage could last for a while, especially as Valve is now likely including preparations for the planned launch of the Steam Machine in its significant reported hardware shipments from China.

For those who can’t wait for a SteamOS-powered handheld, new and pre-owned Steam Deck units (both OLED and non) are selling around or below Valve’s retail pricing on eBay. Lenovo’s SteamOS-powered Legion Go S is still widely available, too, though at recently increased prices from its launch last year. Modders have also recently had some luck installing SteamOS on the Windows-powered ROG Xbox Ally, which is surprisingly still available at its launch price of $600 for the standard version and $1,000 for the beefed-up ROG Ally X.

Danon Announces ‘No Contact’ With UN Chief’s Office After Israel’s Inclusion on Sexual Violence Blacklist

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Danon Announces ‘No Contact’ With UN Chief’s Office After Israel’s Inclusion on Sexual Violence Blacklist


Israel’s ambassador to the United Nations, Danny Danon, announced that Israel would suspend contact with UN Secretary-General António Guterres’ office after Israel was added to a UN blacklist of countries and entities accused of using sexual violence in conflict zones.

Danon said the Israeli mission would have “no further contact” with the secretary-general’s office for as long as Guterres remains in his position.

“This is a moral disgrace that proves Guterres has lost all credibility,” Danon said, criticizing the decision to place Israel “on the same blacklist as Hamas, ISIS [Islamic State], and the most barbaric terrorist organizations in the world.”

According to the report, the Israeli Prison Service will appear on the UN’s 2026 list, while additional Israeli authorities will remain under monitoring for possible inclusion in future reports.

Under UN procedures, countries and armed organizations listed by the secretary-general remain on the blacklist for at least one year. Hamas was added to the list in August 2025.

The UN blacklist addresses allegations of sexual violence in conflict zones and includes both state actors and nonstate armed organizations accused of committing such acts.

In March, 2024, Pramila Patten, the UN secretary-general’s special representative on sexual violence in conflict, reported “reasonable grounds” to believe Hamas committed rape and sexual violence during the October 7 massacre and during the captivity of Israeli hostages in Gaza.

Israeli officials told Ynet that pressure increased on Guterres to include Israel after Hamas was added last year. The officials accused the UN chief of yielding to political pressure during the final months of his term.

Benny Gantz, the Israeli politician and former army general, described the report as “antisemitic and hypocritical,” saying the United Nations had fallen into “moral blindness.”

Gilad Erdan, Israel’s former ambassador to the United Nations, also accused the organization of bias, calling it “corrupt and distorted.”

White House got $620m rare earths deal for firm tied to Trump Jr.

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White House got $620m rare earths deal for firm tied to Trump Jr.

This article was originally published by ProPublica. It is republished with permission.

When the Pentagon announced a $620 million loan last year to a small North Carolina startup linked to Donald Trump Jr., defense officials and the company tried to tamp down suspicions of cronyism. 

The president’s eldest son said through a spokesperson that he wasn’t involved. The Pentagon said Trump Jr. played no role in the record-setting deal. And the startup’s founder told reporters that his company, Vulcan Elements, received no political favoritism.

But interviews, as well as Defense Department records reviewed by ProPublica, show that the request to lend hundreds of millions of dollars to the firm linked to Trump Jr. was made by Peter Navarro, a White House adviser to President Donald Trump and a friend of Trump Jr.’s.

Of the dozens of companies the Pentagon was considering funding at the time, Vulcan’s was the only deal initiated by a top aide to the president, said an official at the Pentagon who was not authorized to speak publicly.

After defense officials got the White House request, they asked Pentagon staff to move at an unusually rapid pace, said another person who was involved in the deal at the Pentagon but not authorized to speak about it. The staff worked late nights and with little sleep to get the loan through in a matter of weeks, the source said.

“The call came from the White House: We have to get this done,” the person said. 

The deal is one of many actions by the Trump administration that have helped companies in which the Trump family holds stakes. Government contracts and other benefits have gone to various Trump-linked companies, prompting allegations of self-dealing by Democratic lawmakers and good government experts. But ProPublica’s reporting on the Vulcan loan represents the first time the awarding of a contract from a federal agency has been directly linked to White House intervention.

The loan was a massive financial commitment from the Pentagon in its effort to fund companies that could help the US reduce dependence on China’s critical mineral supply chains.

Trump Jr.’s venture capital firm took a stake of undisclosed size in Vulcan about three months before the Pentagon announced the deal.

Donald Trump Jr. at Trump Tower in New York City. Photo: James Devaney / GC Images

The deal was a dramatic win for Vulcan, a North Carolina rare-earth magnet company launched just two years earlier. Estimates of its valuation grew tenfold after the deal was announced. It was also a win for Trump Jr.’s venture capital firm, which took a stake of undisclosed size in Vulcan about three months before the Pentagon announced the deal. 

And there may be more good news on the way for the president’s eldest son. Among other companies under review for Pentagon lending was a drone parts manufacturer that Trump Jr. advises and owns a stake in, according to one of the defense officials who spoke to ProPublica. 

Navarro, who served as trade adviser in Trump’s first term, and Trump Jr. have formed a close bond in recent years. The president’s son visited Navarro in prison while he served time for defying a subpoena from lawmakers investigating the Jan. 6, 2021, Capitol riot. Trump Jr. was one of the small group of people Navarro dedicated his latest book to for having “my back when it was against the wall.”

And a week before the Vulcan deal was announced, Trump Jr. hosted Navarro — now the president’s senior counselor for trade and manufacturing — on his streaming show, encouraging his nearly 2 million subscribers to buy Navarro’s book. That interview came not long after word came down from Navarro to Pentagon staff to make the massive loan to Vulcan, one of the defense officials involved in the deal said.

Navarro did not respond to questions from ProPublica sent to him directly. Neither did Vulcan. A White House spokesperson said in a statement that the administration is working “in the best interest of the American people,” adding, “The president’s entire team, including Senior Counselor Navarro and officials at the Department of War, is working together and with private industry to secure America’s critical mineral supply chain at Trump speed.”

Trump Jr.’s spokesperson said the president’s son does not discuss companies he has invested in with federal government officials and did not speak to Navarro about Vulcan. He “has no knowledge about how this deal came together,” the spokesperson said. A spokesperson for 1789 Capital, the venture firm where Trump Jr. is a partner, said it also played no role in Vulcan getting the loan and did not learn about the deal before it was public. 

“No company receives preferential treatment,” a Pentagon spokesperson said. “Outside affiliations, investors, or political connections play absolutely no role in the Department’s funding decisions.” 

Richard Painter, the chief White House ethics lawyer during the George W. Bush administration, said aides to the president should not be intervening in contracting and lending decisions by agencies, particularly in matters that financially benefit the president’s family. 

“This is our money they’re spending,” Painter said. “This is corruption we pay for.”


The Office of Strategic Capital, the Pentagon division that made the deal with Vulcan, aims to address a bipartisan concern: that China’s grip on rare-earth elements and other critical minerals threatens national security.

It is hard to overstate the country’s dominance in this arena. As of last year, for example, China produced the world’s entire supply of samarium, an obscure rare-earth metal that is an essential component of magnets that help guide Tomahawk missiles and start the engines in F-35 fighter jets. Other rare earths are central to the manufacturing of a vast array of commercial and military products, from car parts and semiconductors to drones.

Finding the raw materials is generally not hard, but separating them from other materials they’re bonded to is, and it’s that process that China largely dominates. Virtually every advanced military in the world depends directly or indirectly on the country’s supply chain of rare earths. The danger of relying so heavily on a single supplier for these essential materials was underscored last year when China announced it was restricting exports of some rare-earth metals.

The Office of Strategic Capital, started under the Biden administration, funds private companies that are working in this space or developing certain military technologies so that the US can stop relying on its top rival to equip its own military.

The Trump administration supersized the effort, expanding its lending authority from about $1 billion to $200 billion. It also radically changed how the office operated, according to interviews with more than a dozen people who worked there or interacted with it from the private sector or other parts of the government.

The Biden administration had set up an open application process for interested companies, with each firm to be vetted methodically, a process meant to ensure good bets — but one that people involved acknowledged was set up to be slow and bureaucratic. 

“The Trump administration is more interested in going out into the market and finding what it wants. We’re not going to wait for people to apply to us,” said one former Office of Strategic Capital official. 

The Trump Pentagon handed the reins to hard-charging former Wall Street executives, who have been recruiting others to make the leap from finance to government. A leaked presentation from a headhunter seemed to suggest they could parlay their tour in government into future riches: “If you ever want to raise your own fund, you will gain access to fundraising channels that include royal families and foreign sovereign contacts.” (It’s unclear whether the Pentagon approved the presentation.)

The office’s new leaders aim to make as many deals as possible, including loans and investments in exchange for ownership stakes, people who have worked with the office say. They said the new officials are relying more on their own personal networks, not applications, to choose companies to fund.

So far, outside of Vulcan, a small number of other companies have been selected, including Korea Zinc, a metal refiner; MP Materials, a Nevada rare-earth mining company; and ReElement Technologies, an Indiana producer of rare-earth elements and battery metals that partners with Vulcan. The Pentagon’s announcement said the loans to Vulcan and ReElement were conditional on the firms fulfilling certain legal and financial requirements but did not detail them.

Last week, Bloomberg reported that the Pentagon may ultimately not lend to ReElement because of concerns over the company’s revenue projections and ability to scale up its technology that were discovered after the conditional loan was announced. 

Because of its size and connection to Trump Jr., the Vulcan deal has drawn the most scrutiny. A group of Democratic senators demanded that the Pentagon provide an accounting of how the company was awarded the loan, writing that the Trump family’s conflicts of interest could be “resulting in a waste of taxpayer dollars and a threat to national security.”

(The Pentagon’s response did not address how Vulcan was selected, explaining only how the department addresses conflicts that arise from its employees’ financial holdings, not those of the president’s family.)

Democrats in the House tried to subpoena Trump Jr. to testify on the Vulcan deal but were blocked by Republicans. “Donald Trump Jr. must be made to answer whether the president’s son illegally profited from his father’s presidency,” Oregon Rep. Maxine Dexter said earlier this year. 

Vulcan was launched in 2023 by a student at Harvard Business School. The private company quickly began securing a series of relatively small defense contracts, beginning during the Biden administration. Its first manufacturing facility opened in March 2025; according to an interview with its founder published that month, the firm’s funding around that time was less than $10 million. The kind of rare-earth magnets the company focuses on are needed for critical military technologies, including drones and satellites.

In August 2025, Vulcan announced $65 million in investments, including from 1789 Capital, the venture firm that Trump Jr. joined as a partner after his father was elected to a second term. Neither 1789 nor Vulcan has publicly disclosed how much of a stake the venture firm has taken.  

Staff in the Office of Strategic Capital learned of the White House request to give a loan to Vulcan around September or October, an official involved said. It’s unclear how the White House request was delivered or if it was presented as an order or a recommendation. Companies considered for funding are generally vetted for many months, the person said, but this deal was completed in a matter of weeks because they were told it was a White House priority.

Asked about the Vulcan deal being expedited, the Pentagon spokesperson said defense officials balance “lightning speed with rigorous diligence to close high-impact deals that directly strengthen America’s defense and empower our warfighters.”

In November, the Pentagon announced its plans to lend $620 million to the company and another $80 million to its partner, ReElement. The company would also get $50 million in incentives from the Commerce Department. In exchange, the government would take a $50 million stake in Vulcan with the right to buy more later. 

Vulcan, which at the time had fewer than 50 employees, said it would use the windfall to build a large new facility that would churn out thousands of tons of magnets a year. It said it planned to ramp up in the coming years, adding hundreds of new jobs.

The deal was good news for Vulcan’s investors, including Trump Jr.’s firm. Estimates of Vulcan’s valuation went from around $200 million near the time 1789 Capital first invested, according to Bloomberg, to around $2 billion.  

Navarro’s role in initiating the deal was not publicly disclosed. Even if he didn’t discuss it with Trump Jr., the loan represented a win for someone Navarro considered a dear friend.

In an October episode of Trump Jr.’s streaming show, “Triggered,” the two showed a close bond. The president’s son called Navarro “my boy” and complimented him on the “jacked” physique he developed while in prison. Navarro called Trump Jr. “brother” and thanked him for his support “in my hardest of times.” (Navarro had argued he was wrongly imprisoned for not complying with a congressional subpoena because he was protected by executive privilege.)

Although Vulcan was not mentioned, the two spoke about rare earths, a topic Navarro has frequently discussed publicly. “China has revealed itself with this rare-earth issue as a country which is using the weaponization of their manufacturing floor, their supply chains, to exert pressure, not just on the United States, but to every other country that might do something that gets in the way of the Chinese dream of world domination,” Navarro said. “That’s what we’re fighting now.”

The Office of Strategic Capital is expected to deploy billions more in loans in the coming months to critical mineral and military technology companies.

Among the companies under review was Unusual Machines, a Florida drone parts maker, a Defense official said. Trump Jr. sits on the company’s advisory board and holds millions of dollars worth of shares. The Pentagon was accused of cronyism last year when it awarded the company a contract to make drone engines for the Army. 

Executives at other companies hoping for Pentagon loans or other types of investments are scrambling to figure out how to get in front of the right people.      

Brodie Sutherland, CEO of Nevada-based tungsten mining company Patriot Critical Minerals, said his firm hired a lobbyist. That person knew someone who was previously connected to the Office of Strategic Capital and was able to introduce the company to a current staffer. 

“It’s like any industry: A lot of what it is,” Sutherland said, “is who you know.”

Speaking to ProPublica last month, he said his company had had conversations with Pentagon staff and he was optimistic the firm could get funding. 

“Whether you need someone on the inside track to get it across the line I don’t know,” he said. “We’re hopeful you don’t need to be chums with Trump Jr. to get a project across.”

Defense Department records reviewed recently by ProPublica show Sutherland’s company had already been considered for a loan but was rejected. The records did not say why. Sutherland said he still hoped his company could secure some kind of Pentagon funding in the future.

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