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Sony’s failed war against Internet piracy may doom other copyright lawsuits

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Sony’s failed war against Internet piracy may doom other copyright lawsuits

Sony and other major record labels recently suffered a thorough defeat at the Supreme Court in their attempt to make Internet service providers pay huge financial penalties for their customers’ copyright infringement. Sony’s loss is certain to have wide-ranging effects on copyright lawsuits, offering protection for ISPs, their customers, and potentially other technology companies whose services can be used for both legal and illegal purposes.

In Cox Communications v. Sony Music Entertainment, the Supreme Court ruled that cable Internet firm Cox is not liable under the Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA) when its customers use their broadband connections to download or upload pirated materials. Music copyright holders claimed that once Cox was informed that specific users repeatedly infringed copyrights, it should have terminated their accounts.

A jury agreed with Sony in 2019, hitting Cox with a $1 billion verdict. While the damages award was overturned by an appeals court in 2024, that court gave Sony a partial win by finding that Cox was guilty of contributory copyright infringement—a type of secondary liability for contributing to others’ infringement.

Cox was facing the prospect of another damages trial until the Supreme Court took up its case and unanimously ruled in its favor on March 25 of this year. The court found that Cox isn’t liable for its customers’ misdeeds because it did not induce them to infringe copyrights and did not “tailor” the broadband service so that it could be used for infringement.

The Cox decision was also a loss for record labels Warner and Universal, which joined Sony in the case. The record labels reacted to the ruling by dropping similar cases against ISPs such as Verizon and Altice. and the impact may be felt well beyond the broadband industry.

“I think it applies to any technology provider”

Several defendants offering other types of tech products and services have filed briefs in lower courts citing the Cox ruling in their defense against contributory infringement claims. Among them are Google, Meta, Elon Musk’s X social network, and Nvidia. Cox is also being cited by a much smaller entity known as Yout, which operates a website that can be used to convert YouTube videos into downloadable audio files.

While the Cox ruling’s most immediate effect is on other ISPs that were also sued by record labels, one of the attorneys who represented Cox at the Supreme Court told Ars that the decision seems to apply broadly to all other kinds of technology platforms.

“I think it applies to any technology provider. I didn’t see any basis in the opinion or its reasoning for limiting it only to a particular type of technology provider,” attorney Christopher Cariello said. Whether Cox applies to another case “basically just depends on if it’s the same configuration, providing technology that someone else uses for infringement, then it’s the same analysis,” he said.

Cariello, who works for Orrick, Herrington & Sutcliffe, was part of the outside legal team that defended Cox in its Supreme Court briefs. He spoke to Ars about the case but said he was not speaking on behalf of Cox.

“I don’t see how you could avoid applying Cox in any case with a contributory infringement claim against a technology provider. The opinion says to establish contributory liability, you need to show, effectively, culpable intent,” he said. When there is a company “in the sort of vast Internet ecosystem that sits between an end-user and a possible rightsholder who believes they’re being harmed, Cox applies,” he said.

Cariello argues that under the court’s “straightforward decision,” tweaking the context a bit for a different type of defendant doesn’t create new bases for liability. He said “the court is adopting a doctrinal framework,” not “a wishy-washy standard” or one that applies only “in this narrow circumstance to this particular type of service provider for X, Y, and Z reason.”

AI companies are among the firms that should benefit from the ruling because products based on large language models (LLMs) can be used for many non-infringing activities and thus aren’t specifically tailored to be used for infringement, Cariello said.

Contribution to infringement “has to be intentional”

Sony itself laid the groundwork for its 2026 defeat in 1984 when it convinced the court that the Betamax was capable of noninfringing uses and that selling it did not constitute contributory infringement. The 1984 Betamax case and the 2005 ruling in MGM Studios v. Grokster both factored heavily into the Cox decision authored by Justice Clarence Thomas.

A Sony victory against Cox could have made it easier for copyright owners to sue companies whose offerings have both legitimate and illegitimate uses. The firm’s loss will surely make such cases more difficult. As Thomas wrote in Cox, a service provider can be held contributorily liable “only if it intended that the provided service be used for infringement.” Such intent “can be shown only if the party induced the infringement or the provided service is tailored to that infringement,” he wrote.

This means that when a service is capable of “substantial” or “commercially significant” noninfringing uses, its provider can worry a bit less about being held liable for infringement. Users of those services can also worry a bit less about the service provider aggressively terminating accounts.

Cariello said it will be difficult to prove contributory infringement when an ISP charges a flat fee for access to the entire Internet or when another type of provider charges a flat fee for a broad set of capabilities. When a platform has many types of capabilities, “it’s very difficult to suggest that infringement itself is somehow the thing that is bringing users in,” he said.

Marquette University Law Professor Bruce Boyden told Ars that based on the Cox ruling, a company’s contribution to infringement “has to be intentional” through “either actively inducing infringement or designing or tailoring your service for infringement, and nothing else qualifies for contributory infringement.” This “really narrows contributory infringement to the extent that that’s followed” by lower courts, he said.

“It’s not surprising to me that a number of other online services are starting to raise that in arguments,” Boyden said. If those services can eliminate the risk of liability “for knowing about particular acts of infringement and providing services or facilities to those people, then it’s unclear what other theories of infringement might be available. They might be off the hook for infringement entirely.”

Professor: Lower courts need clearer guidance

Still, citing Cox may not be a slam-dunk strategy for defeating any and all contributory infringement claims in non-broadband cases. William & Mary Law School Professor Laura Heymann, who filed an amicus brief urging the court to side with Cox, told Ars that the Supreme Court ruling “highlights the particular concerns of Internet service providers, such as Cox, who ‘have limited knowledge about how their Internet services are used and who uses them.’”

The court said a company can’t be held liable simply for “providing a service to the general public with knowledge that it will be used by some to infringe copyrights.” Cox was informed that users at specific IP addresses were pirating copyrighted material, but the firm argued that infringement notices sent by record labels are unreliable and that terminating accounts used by multiple people would punish the innocent along with the guilty.

The Supreme Court said that Internet providers “know which IP address corresponds to which subscriber account but cannot distinguish individual users or directly control how services are used.” Heymann suggested that lower courts might decide the Cox precedent doesn’t apply to technology providers that have detailed knowledge of what each user is doing, rather than just general knowledge that some users will infringe. She also questioned whether the Supreme Court’s use of the word “service” will be interpreted by lower courts to include “goods.”

Still, Heymann said she isn’t surprised that tech companies are citing Cox in their defense. Although she hoped justices would issue clearer guidance to lower courts, she said the ruling “seems to suggest that lower courts should abandon their former reliance on cases like Gershwin Publishing Corp. v. Columbia Artists Management, [a 2nd Circuit ruling that] held that contributory liability could be based on materially contributing to another’s infringement with knowledge of the infringing activity.”

Heymann said that if lower courts apply the Cox holding to all service providers that host potentially infringing material, many types of companies will have broad protection against copyright claims.

“If the holding does apply broadly, it would seem that many hosting sites could escape liability on the basis that hosting services generally are capable of substantial noninfringing uses, assuming the sites are savvy enough not to encourage infringement in their advertising and marketing materials,” she said.

The court ruling doesn’t specifically state that it applies only to ISPs, but it “also doesn’t include a discussion of how its holding might apply to facts other than the ones before it,” Heymann said.

How tech companies are using the Cox ruling

Nvidia cited Cox in its defense against a lawsuit from authors who say they have registered copyrights in “books that Nvidia has admitted copying, storing, and using to develop its AI language models.” Nvidia copied the books from “notorious shadow libraries” such as The Pile, Bibliotik, and Anna’s Archive, the lawsuit said.

Cox won’t help defendants beat allegations of direct copyright infringement, those claims in which the company itself is accused of pirating. But the authors’ lawsuit additionally alleges that Nvidia should be liable for contributing to others’ infringement, which is where the Cox ruling becomes relevant. For the contributory infringement allegation, the authors allege that Nvidia “caused numerous third parties to download and store Plaintiffs’ copyrighted works by encouraging, facilitating, and promoting its customers to download copies of The Pile dataset.”

Arguing against the contributory infringement claim, Nvidia told a US District court in California on April 3 that its NeMo Megatron Framework “is a general-purpose AI development platform with substantial legitimate uses that cannot be deemed ‘tailored to infringement’ under Cox.” In Cox, the Supreme Court “rejected liability based on knowledge and inaction alone—the same theory Plaintiffs advance here,” Nvidia said.

Cariello told Ars that based on his initial reading of the motion, Cox seems to apply to the Nvidia case because it involves “a claim that says you’re providing technology to users who are allegedly using it to infringe.” Cariello said Cox also appears to apply in a lawsuit that music publishers filed against the X social network, which involves users uploading music to the platform.

X filed a brief in a Tennessee-based federal court on March 27, arguing that the music publishers’ case should be dismissed in light of the Cox holding. “If the Supreme Court had issued this opinion three years ago, X believes this Court would have dismissed Plaintiffs’ contributory-infringement claim in its entirety,” X told a US district court in Tennessee. “Indeed, virtually every contributory-infringement case Plaintiffs cited in opposing X’s motion to dismiss—including the Fourth Circuit case on which this Court relied—is no longer good law.”

Google: Precedent “has been categorically abrogated”

On April 17, Google told a US district court in New York that a lawsuit filed by book publishers should be tossed because the plaintiffs did not claim that Google induced its users to infringe or that the Google shopping platform is tailored to infringement. The lawsuit filed in 2024 accused Google of “systemic and pervasive advertising of unauthorized, infringing copies of the Publishers’ textbooks and educational works.”

Google said the Supreme Court’s “reasoning was not limited to the particular facts presented in Cox; instead, the Court vitiated the material contribution theory for all providers of services… As a result, precedent premising contributory copyright infringement liability on other grounds, like the Second Circuit’s cases imposing liability premised on knowledge of and material contribution to direct infringement, has been categorically abrogated.”

Meta cited Cox in its defense against a lawsuit alleging that it stole large quantities of copyrighted works to train its large language models (LLMs). Like the Nvidia case, the lawsuit against Meta makes a direct copyright infringement claim and a contributory copyright infringement claim. Meta is hoping that Cox will help it defeat the contributory allegation, which is that Meta’s use of peer-to-peer file-sharing networks made pirated works more easily accessible to others.

Yout cited Cox as part of a lawsuit it filed against the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA). Yout has been seeking a declaratory judgment that its YouTube-ripping service does not violate the DMCA’s prohibition on circumventing technological measures that would otherwise prevent access to copyrighted works. Yout’s case hasn’t been successful so far, and it seems to recognize that citing Cox is a bit more of a long shot than it is in other lawsuits.

“Although Cox Communications is not an anti-circumvention case, it nonetheless may provide useful guidance to the Court in the present case as the Supreme Court discusses when a ‘service is tailored to infringement,’” Yout said in a filing in the US Court of Appeals for the 2nd Circuit.

The RIAA responded by calling Yout’s citation of Cox irrelevant. “The Cox decision addresses common law contributory liability for infringement,” the RIAA said. “Yout’s complaint involves statutory anti-circumvention claims. Because the claims in Cox and those at issue are different, the opinion’s discussion of whether a service is ‘tailored to infringement’ has no bearing on this appeal.”

Cariello said his initial reaction to the Yout filing is that it may be “a little bit of a further context beyond what Cox is dealing with” because the Cox case is “really about when someone is liable for someone else’s wrong under a common law formulation.”

Two paths for proving intent

The Supreme Court’s Cox ruling established two paths for imputing intent, Cariello said. One is if a product is deliberately designed to enable infringement and is good for nothing else. The other option is to prove there was “affirmative and active encouragement or steps to promote or facilitate or make infringement happen from the customers. Outside of those circumstances, when you have a technology provider, there’s no grounds for liability left after Cox,” he said.

Cariello agreed with Heymann that the ruling “seemingly recognized some concerns that are particularly salient as to ISPs.” But he maintains that the criteria set out by the court apply broadly to other technology providers.

The court “emphasized that there are only two paths to demonstrating contributory infringement and invoked the Patent Act, where those two paths are made explicit by statute and apply regardless of the nature of the defendant’s technology,” Cariello said. “So it’s hard to see any basis in the decision for saying that if you have a provider of a different service or a seller of goods, all of a sudden some additional path to contributory infringement opens up.”

Whenever a defendant is a technology provider and the direct infringer is a customer, “the touchstone is going to be that culpable intent, the purpose to bring about acts of infringement,” he said.

Shortly after deciding Cox, the Supreme Court overturned a 5th Circuit ruling that could have forced ISP Grande Communications to terminate broadband subscribers accused of piracy. The top court’s Grande decision was only two sentences long; it simply vacated the 5th Circuit judgment and instructed the appeals court to reconsider it “in light of” the Cox holding.

The record labels seem to have conceded that their other cases against ISPs were doomed. On April 22, record labels agreed to drop a lawsuit against Verizon and another one against Altice. Separately, a group of film studios agreed to drop a five-year-old case against cable company RCN.

The Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) did its best to minimize the impact of the industry’s loss in Cox. It argued on the day of the ruling that the Supreme Court holding “is narrow, applying only to ‘contributory infringement’ cases involving defendants like Cox that do not themselves copy, host, distribute, or publish infringing material or control or induce such activity.” The RIAA declined to provide further comment to Ars for this article.

“This is a whole new concept”

In a Bloomberg opinion piece, Heymann said the Cox ruling authored by Thomas “was the right result on the facts” but “takes a ‘we said what we said’ approach to judging” instead of fully explaining a rationale. Appellate opinions “should, ideally, not just state a rule but also explain its underlying rationale, anticipate its implications, and provide guidance on its application by lower courts,” she wrote. “A rule may be simply stated in theory, but its simplicity may belie the complexity of its operation in practice.”

Despite that concern, Heymann and Boyden agree that the Cox ruling is significant because of its effect on the 2nd Circuit’s Gershwin ruling that lower courts previously relied on. As Boyden told Ars, the Supreme Court “clearly cast to the side the prevailing test from the Gershwin case back in 1971.”

The previous test was “knowledge plus material contribution,” he said. “And for a long time, it’s been thought that the main way in which Internet service providers of any sort could be liable for copyright infringement by users on their systems is if they know about that infringement occurring and are providing the facilities that permit it to happen.”

The Supreme Court ruling is clear that inducing and tailoring are “the only two theories available for contributory infringement for service providers,” but “all of copyright is vague to some degree,” Boyden said. He said it is not entirely clear what constitutes the intent that is needed to show inducement or what constitutes tailoring.

“I mean, this is a whole new concept,” Boyden said. Some plaintiffs might try “to spell out theories” about circumstances in which continuing to serve infringing customers may count as contributory infringement under the new standard, he said.

A plaintiff will have to “show that the defendants did something affirmatively to make their service better suit the needs of infringers,” Boyden said. It seems clear that just selling the same service to every potential customer is not tailoring, but “we don’t have any additional guidance about what might constitute tailoring your service,” he said.

Companies will test the boundaries

Boyden speculated that offering different prices based on how much a customer uses a service, or advertising in particular ways to entice customers who are more likely to infringe, might constitute tailoring a service for piracy. But this seems like a difficult task for plaintiffs, he said.

“It doesn’t seem to be that broad of a concept just from what the Supreme Court said,” and the court is “narrowing secondary liability quite a bit. So I wouldn’t expect it to be this whole huge can of worms,” Boyden said.

Heymann agreed it may be difficult for lower courts to determine whether a service provider actively encouraged infringement or offered a service that is not capable of substantial or commercially significant noninfringing uses. She said the challenge arises from “the spare nature of the court’s opinion.”

“Although the court limits contributory liability to instances in which the defendant intended that its service be used for infringement, and then says that intent can be shown only in one of two ways, it doesn’t provide any explanation of the rationale underlying these limitations beyond the fact that they were used in Grokster and Sony [the Betamax case],” she told Ars. “It’s likely, therefore, that we’ll now see parties litigating the boundaries of these limitations to try to fill in the analytical gaps left by the court’s opinion.”

DMCA safe harbor may be “meaningless” now

Although the Supreme Court unanimously sided against Sony, Justice Sonia Sotomayor filed a concurring opinion that objected to the majority limiting liability to the degree it did. Sotomayor’s opinion, which was joined by Ketanji Brown Jackson, said the majority “dismantles the statutory incentive structure that Congress created” in the DMCA.

Congress provided a safe harbor under the DMCA to ISPs as long as they “take reasonable steps to prevent copyright infringement on their networks,” Sotomayor said. Under the new prevailing order, there’s no reason for ISPs to even seek the safe harbor, she said.

Sotomayor and Jackson nonetheless agreed that Sony did not “prove that Cox had the requisite intent to aid copyright infringement for Cox to be liable on a common-law aiding-and-abetting theory.” Citing a case involving Smith & Wesson, in which “this Court rejected secondary liability for gun manufacturers whose guns were used by Mexican drug cartels to commit violence in Mexico due to insufficient allegations of intent,” Sotomayor wrote that mere indifference “is not enough for aiding and abetting liability to attach.”

Boyden said he agrees completely with Sotomayor “that the majority unnecessarily narrows secondary liability” with the copyright ruling. The order “has the risk of making section 512 basically meaningless,” he said, referring to the section that limits liability for service providers that qualify for a safe harbor.

The US Copyright Office says that Section 512 “shield[s] qualifying online service providers from monetary liability for copyright infringement based on the actions of their users, in exchange for cooperating with copyright owners to expeditiously remove infringing content and meeting certain conditions.”

For most types of service providers, this means participating in a notice-and-takedown system in which providers remove infringing material after receiving notices from copyright holders. For ISPs, the safe harbor was available if they enforced repeat-infringer policies that result in termination of infringing users’ accounts.

In the Cox majority opinion, Thomas said the law’s safe-harbor provision did not by itself make ISPs liable for users’ infringement. “The DMCA does not expressly impose liability for Internet service providers who serve known infringers; it merely creates new defenses from liability for such providers,” he wrote.

ISPs have argued that infringement notices are unreliable and that mass terminations would take a vital service away from both infringing and noninfringing users. The Trump administration agreed with Cox, telling the Supreme Court that a Sony victory could compel ISPs to “terminat[e] subscribers after receiving a single notice of alleged infringement.”

Despite its concerns about overzealous enforcement, Cox told the Supreme Court that it created an anti-infringement program, sent out hundreds of warnings a day, suspended thousands of accounts a month, and worked with universities to limit infringement.

Suing Internet users a bad option

Record labels seeking to stamp out piracy might try suing individuals instead of the broadband companies those individuals subscribe to. Sony, Warner, and Universal did exactly that in the past. A lawsuit they filed in 2007 against a man who downloaded and distributed songs resulted in a $675,000 damages award that was upheld on appeal in 2013.

Joel Tenenbaum, the defendant, filed for bankruptcy in 2015 and was able to get the debt discharged. Individual cases against Internet users do “little to stem the tide” against widespread online infringement, so “Sony attempted to enlist Internet service providers such as Cox to help it enforce its copyrights,” the Supreme Court said in its Cox ruling.

Pursuing such cases can damage the public image of companies suing individuals and wouldn’t be as lucrative as the billion-dollar judgments they were hoping to get from ISPs.

“I do think it’s difficult economically to just go after every individual user for what they’re doing in terms of stopping infringement, but it’s absolutely an avenue that’s still open to them,” Cariello said. “There’s no reason that a rightsholder can’t engage with a technology provider and try to come up with a cooperative solution. That generally hasn’t been what has happened. Instead, rightsholders have pursued litigation and huge, huge statutory damages awards.”

Cariello said it’s likely that rightsholders will “try to advance different theories” of liability after losing Cox. But he thinks the Cox ruling will “eliminate the style of claim that plaintiffs had become very fond of, which is this notion of ‘gave someone a product knowing that they might use it to infringe, among other things,’ That no longer is a viable style of claim, and I don’t think plaintiffs are going to bring them anymore.”

Oil rises after Trump rejects Iran’s response to US peace proposal

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Oil rises after Trump rejects Iran’s response to US peace proposal


Oil prices rallied on Monday, a day after President Donald Trump said Iran’s response ‌to a U.S. peace proposal was “unacceptable,” raising supply fears as the Strait of Hormuz stayed largely closed, which kept the global market tight.

Brent crude futures climbed $2.70 or 2.67% to $103.99 a barrel at 0902 GMT. U.S. West Texas Intermediate was at $97.66 a barrel, up $2.24, or 2.35%. They rose to $105.99 and $100.37 ​a barrel, respectively, earlier in the session.

Last week, both contracts recorded 6% weekly losses on hopes for an imminent ​end to the 10-week-old conflict that would allow oil transit through the Strait of Hormuz.

“Despite reassuring noises ⁠that back channels are still open and the parties are talking, our take is that the U.S. and Iran are as ​far away from agreement as when this supposed ceasefire started,” PVM Oil Associates analyst John Evans said. “We do not see anything ​changing before Donald Trump visits China and asks for Beijing’s aid in pressuring Iran.”

Trump is scheduled to arrive in Beijing on Wednesday and is expected to discuss Iran among other topics with Chinese President Xi Jinping, according to U.S. officials.

The world has lost about 1 billion barrels of oil over the past ​two months and energy markets will take time to stabilise even if flows resume, Saudi Aramco CEO Amin Nasser said on ​Sunday.

“Our bullish view remains and we align with Saudi Aramco’s opinion that even if Hormuz is settled and opened, it will take many months ‌for normality ⁠in oil supply to break out,” Evans said.

Saudi Arabian crude oil exports to China are expected to fall further in June after buyers cut nominations because of costly prices linked to the U.S.-Iran conflict and lower supplies, trade sources told Reuters.

Meanwhile, three tankers carrying crude exited the Strait of Hormuz last week and on Sunday with trackers switched off to avoid Iranian attacks, Kpler shipping data ​showed. One was loaded with Iraqi ​crude and bound for Vietnam.

Japan’s ⁠industry ministry said a tanker carrying Azerbaijani crude oil was set to arrive as early as Tuesday, the first cargo of oil received from Central Asia since the Iran war began.

ANZ analysts ​expected Brent to remain above $90 per barrel through 2026 and around $80 to $85 per barrel into 2027 ​as demand growth ⁠resumes and inventories are gradually rebuilt.

In an attempt to hedge prices and ensure revenue, U.S. producer Diamondback Energy(FANG.O), opens new tab bought options to sell the price difference between U.S. West Texas Intermediate crude and Brent at around minus $42 a barrel in the coming months, a bet that could ⁠pay off ​if the U.S. banned oil exports. This would lead to a rise in ​domestic inventory as U.S. refiners typically process less domestic crude than is produced in the country and would push down WTI prices and widen its discount to ​Brent.

Source:  Reuters

The false promise of a US-Iran quick fix

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The false promise of a US-Iran quick fix

US bombings have failed to achieve the earlier set objective of regime change in Iran. Image: X Screengrab

Tehran’s reply on May 10 was entirely predictable. Ceasefire, security guarantees for the Strait, total sanctions relief, reparations — the standard package. What apparently surprised Washington was the timing, which produced President Donald Trump’s terse verdict: “totally unacceptable.”

Even so, a surprising number of voices in Washington are still pushing ahead with a narrow bilateral deal whose main objective is to reopen the Strait and get the tankers flowing. If oil prices climb sharply or insurers start pulling back, that pressure will only increase. Quick relief and fast action can be both prudent and feel like leadership. But the Vietnam precedent should make everyone think twice.

Henry Kissinger might have predicted this. The Paris Peace Accords of 1973 called for American withdrawal and a ceasefire, but did nothing to protect South Vietnam. “Peace with honor” would fall apart in under two years. Kissinger eventually conceded that deal-making was usually temporary, unless military and political realities changed.

Trump’s upcoming meeting with Chinese leader Xi Jinping in Beijing on May 14–15 further raises the stakes. Hormuz will almost certainly be a central topic. China is Iran’s largest oil customer and holds real cards in Tehran, but it has so far avoided heavy pressure.

Kissinger, the old master of triangular diplomacy, would treat the summit as an opportunity to pursue linkage.

Yet trying to enlist Beijing to enforce a bilateral US-Iran understanding is fraught with danger. It risks giving China a de facto veto over Gulf security, allows Beijing to continue hedging between Tehran and Washington, and deepens suspicion among Gulf allies that America is again looking for an exit rather than a solution.

The most likely result is a short-lived pause that keeps Iran’s leverage alive while strengthening China’s hand in the region.

The bigger problem is what happens the day after any such deal is signed. A limited bilateral agreement would send a clear message to Tehran: choking the Strait works. When Secretary of State Marco Rubio described Iran’s control of Hormuz as an “economic nuclear weapon,” he was right.

Billions of barrels can disappear from global markets almost overnight. Saudi Aramco’s chief executive has already spelled out the serious damage, and Goldman Sachs analysts warn that restoring normal conditions could take many months — or years if Iran decides to play for time.

Shipping rates and insurance costs would stay high. Supply chains would remain fragile. Washington would essentially be teaching Tehran a repeatable tactic for holding the global economy hostage.

Gulf partners have every reason to be skeptical of American guarantees. The Wall Street Journal reported this week that Washington draws red lines, then quietly retreats as pressure mounts. A deal focused only on the Strait would leave Iranian missiles and proxy networks largely untouched, while Gulf countries continue to host US bases and live with the daily threat.

Talk of an “insurance policy” is already spreading. That means more arms purchases from China, tighter economic ties with Beijing, and stronger Saudi insistence on regional talks that go beyond US mediation.

This approach would certainly weaken any chance of forming a stable regional order. While Iran might temporarily pause proxy attacks or missile activities, without independent verification and enforceable restrictions on proxies and missiles, Tehran is likely to wait for the next chance.

Bilateral initiatives to reopen the Strait could buy critical time, and the current US-Bahrain draft at the Security Council is a promising development. However, for a lasting solution, active Gulf participation in monitoring and enforcement will be vital.

Short-term thinking has harmed the US in the past. Repeating this pattern in the Gulf could lead to new energy shocks and prompt key allies to hedge more quickly. A smarter strategy would involve collaborating with Gulf states to develop a long-term framework to limit Iran, rather than settling for another superficial agreement between Washington and Tehran.

Only by ending this cycle of short-term fixes can the US transform the current crisis into an opportunity for lasting change, rather than just the prelude to the next crisis.

Eric Alter is a non-resident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Middle East programs and a former UN civil servant. 

Iran says Trump’s rejection of its proposal ‘does not matter’

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Iran says Trump’s rejection of its proposal ‘does not matter’

An informed Iranian source said on Sunday that US President Donald Trump’s reaction to Tehran’s response to Washington’s proposal to end the war “does not matter”, according to Iran’s Tasnim news agency.

The source said that “when Trump expresses dissatisfaction with a plan, it is often a sign that the plan is better”.

The source added that “Trump’s reaction does not matter, as nobody in Iran is working on a plan to satisfy the US president”.

Earlier, Trump announced that he had rejected the response submitted by Iran through a Pakistani mediator regarding Washington’s proposal to end the war, describing it as “completely unacceptable”.

Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform: “I have just read the response from Iran’s so-called “Representatives.” I don’t like it — TOTALLY UNACCEPTABLE!”

At the same time, Trump told Axios that his phone call with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was “very nice”.

He added: “I spoke with Netanyahu and discussed the Iranian response among other things,” stressing that the Iran negotiations are “my situation, not everybody else’s.”

‘This Is the Modern Eichmann Trial’: Israeli Lawmakers Advance Special Trial Framework for October 7 Defendants

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‘This Is the Modern Eichmann Trial’: Israeli Lawmakers Advance Special Trial Framework for October 7 Defendants


Bill’s sponsors say judicial procedures would allow courts to handle large numbers of October 7 defendants while preserving evidence, public documentation, victims’ rights, and due process

Israeli lawmakers are advancing a bill to create a special judicial framework for prosecuting defendants accused of involvement in the October 7 massacre, arguing that Israel’s existing anti-terror laws were not designed for an attack of that scale, complexity, and historical weight.

The proposal, drafted jointly by coalition and opposition lawmakers, would establish special procedures for trying participants in the October 7 attacks, including dedicated judicial panels, adapted evidentiary rules, accelerated proceedings, public documentation, expanded rights for victims and families, and possible death sentences for the most severe crimes. Its sponsors are presenting it as separate from National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir’s broader push to expand the death penalty for terrorists.

Materials released by the bill’s sponsors describe the legislation as built around three stated goals: a fast, focused, and uncompromising legal process; a voice for the victims; and permanent remembrance. The sponsors frame the proposal not only as a legal instrument but also as a moral and historical declaration meant to turn the prosecution of suspected October 7 attackers into an act of justice for future generations.

This is the modern Eichmann trial

“This is the modern Eichmann trial,” opposition lawmaker Yulia Malinovsky of Yisrael Beitenu said during a press conference alongside Constitution, Law and Justice Committee Chairman Simcha Rothman and Justice Minister Yariv Levin. “Just as there was Nuremberg and later Eichmann, this is what this law creates.”

Israel has carried out capital punishment only twice: the 1948 execution of IDF officer Meir Tobianski, who was convicted by a military tribunal during the War of Independence and posthumously exonerated the following year, and the 1962 hanging of Adolf Eichmann, one of the chief architects of the Holocaust. By invoking Eichmann and Nuremberg, the bill’s sponsors are framing the October 7 trials not only as criminal proceedings but also as a national act of documentation and historical judgment.

Rothman presented the legislation as an unusual moment of political unity around an event he said could not be treated as an ordinary criminal case.

“This is not a partisan event, and not a personal event,” Rothman said. “It is a national event.”

He said lawmakers who “normally cannot agree on which side the sun rises and which side it sets” worked together in “complete harmony” on the bill.

“The October 7 massacre was not an attack on a specific community or a specific individual,” Rothman said. “It was an attack on the entire Jewish people standing against enemies who seek to destroy it.”

Lawmakers framed the bill as a response to an attack they said ordinary criminal procedure cannot adequately handle. The proposed framework is meant to address large numbers of defendants, sensitive evidence, victims’ participation, public access, and the long-term preservation of trial materials.

The legislation would apply to crimes committed by enemy attackers between October 7 and October 10, 2023, and frames the relevant offenses as including war crimes, crimes against humanity, and crimes against the Jewish people.

Levin said the main challenge was avoiding a process that would take many years under regular criminal procedure. “If these proceedings were conducted at the normal pace of legal proceedings in Israel, it would take an extraordinarily long time before they reached a conclusion,” Levin said.

The justice minister said the drafters tried to build a framework that would move faster without sacrificing the credibility of the process. “We invested enormous effort and thought into creating the optimal combination between the desire to work efficiently and the need to preserve the essential principles required for a fair trial,” he said.

Under the proposed framework, the main trial panels would include three judges, at least one of whom is a district-level judge. Appeals would be heard by a three-judge panel headed by a retired Supreme Court justice and joined by senior district-level judges.

The scale of the cases is one reason lawmakers say a separate framework is needed. Levin said Israel is dealing with “hundreds of defendants” and legal questions that ordinary trials are not built to manage.

“There are solutions here for very complex questions, including how to conduct a trial when there may be 20, 30, or 40 defendants in the same case,” Levin said.

Rothman said the precise number of suspects remains classified, but confirmed that the scope has grown as investigations have advanced.

“When we began this process, the numbers were in the dozens,” he said. “As time passed, more intelligence was uncovered, more investigations matured, and the numbers developed.”

The bill would allow courts to depart from ordinary procedural and evidentiary rules when necessary to uncover the truth in exceptionally large cases, while still preserving the fairness of the proceedings. The sponsors cite examples such as written testimony in limited circumstances, preliminary proceedings before a single judge, and rules meant to help manage indictments involving many defendants.

The proposed framework also places unusual emphasis on public memory. Proceedings would be filmed, archived, and made accessible through a dedicated digital platform, creating a record for the courts, Israeli society, and future generations.

“We wrote into the law that the trial will be filmed and broadcast,” Malinovsky said. “There will be a dedicated website and archives in order to preserve the memory.” Malinovsky suggested that part of the purpose is to force renewed international attention on October 7.

The world forgot October 7. The media forgot. People moved on to other issues. These trials will remind the world what happened.

“The world forgot October 7,” she said. “The media forgot. People moved on to other issues. These trials will remind the world what happened.”

Levin opened the event by framing the legislation as a moral duty to those murdered, wounded, kidnapped, and left behind.

“For the memory of the murdered, for their families, for the wounded, for the hostages, and for the entire people,” Levin said, “we must fulfill our highest moral obligation and bring the perpetrators of the massacre to justice.”

The legislation would expand protections and rights for victims and bereaved families, including the right to receive information about the proceedings, protection of privacy, separation from defendants where needed, and access to public broadcasts and trial documentation.

Malinovsky described the legislation as the parliamentary response to a day when many Israelis felt powerless.

We are not soldiers. We are legislators. This is our battlefield.

“We are not soldiers,” she said. “We are legislators. This is our battlefield.”

The proposal does include capital punishment. Rothman said the law would allow courts to impose the harshest penalties available under Israeli law.

“The law says clearly that the harshest punishments in Israel’s legal system will apply, including the death penalty,” Rothman said.

The framework would require a political-level determination before a death sentence could be carried out: The defense minister, after consulting the justice minister, would decide the timing and manner of implementation. Regulations governing implementation would require approval by the Knesset Constitution, Law and Justice Committee and the Knesset.

Still, Malinovsky stressed that the decision would remain in the hands of judges.

“In the end, these are decisions of Israeli judges,” she said. “The entire system is built so the process will be efficient and fast, but while preserving the principles of justice, including public proceedings and victims’ rights.”

That balance—speed, documentation, punishment, and due process—is likely to be central to any legal debate over the measure. Special evidentiary rules, accelerated proceedings, filmed trials, and capital punishment could draw scrutiny from legal experts, civil liberties advocates, and international observers, even if the bill receives broad political support in the Knesset.

The proposal also includes an unusual provision on legal representation. The state would not provide representation through Israel’s public defender system as a default rule. If a defendant lacks a lawyer, the court could appoint a private defense attorney to ensure a fair trial, with the attorney’s fees paid from tax funds Israel transfers to the Palestinian Authority rather than directly from Israeli taxpayers.

Another sensitive issue is a proposed amendment that would prevent participants in the October 7 massacre from being released in future prisoner or hostage deals.

“We believed it would not be appropriate for participants in the October 7 massacre ever to be released in any future agreement,” Malinovsky said. “This is also a very clear moral statement.”

Such a clause would carry political and diplomatic weight. Israel has repeatedly released convicted prisoners in past exchange deals, and any legal restriction on future releases could affect the government’s room for maneuver in hostage negotiations or future agreements.

Rothman acknowledged that the clause raised legal and political difficulties, including within the coalition and opposition, but said he would support it.

“I know there are complexities surrounding this proposal for many reasons,” Rothman said. “But I will support it, and I will call on my colleagues in the coalition to support it as well.”

The legislation would also adapt detention periods to the needs of the investigation and prosecution, modifying certain deadlines and mechanisms to reflect the scale and complexity of the October 7 cases.

The lawmakers defended the bill against expected legal challenges and international criticism. Levin said the framework had been drafted with attention to how the trials would be viewed abroad, especially in the United States and other Western countries.

“There are countries in the world that support terrorism and support Hamas regardless of what happens,” Levin said. “We certainly do not act according to their dictates.” Still, he argued that most countries would understand the need to prosecute the attackers. “I think that in other countries there is understanding and agreement that these terrorists must stand trial,” Levin said. “Both for justice and for the future.”

“When people see how these proceedings are conducted, they will recognize them as fair trials,” he added.

Malinovsky said she does not expect the law to be struck down by Israel’s High Court of Justice, arguing that it was drafted with legal advisers and relevant state bodies.

“When you know how to legislate wisely, and you understand the limits of power, you reach the desired result,” she said. “This law is balanced.”

The proposal also outlines a logistical and security framework around the trials, including a dedicated Israel Prison Service security unit for the military court, detention facilities and budgets, information-sharing mechanisms among justice and security agencies, and a centralized registry of defendants and witnesses, subject to legal restrictions.

Rothman said the bill is expected to receive support from about 110 members of Knesset, an unusually high number in Israel’s divided 120-member parliament.

“This is the Knesset at its best,” he said. “If I was elected for this law and for this moment, then I feel I fulfilled my mission.”

For the bill’s sponsors, the legislation is a historic framework for justice after the deadliest attack in Israel’s history. For Israel’s legal system, it may become a test of whether exceptional procedures, public memory, victims’ rights, capital punishment, adapted evidentiary rules, security logistics, and fair-trial guarantees can be made to fit inside one courtroom.

Despite Court Order, NYPD Failed to Properly Monitor Stop-and-Frisks by Aggressive Unit

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Despite Court Order, NYPD Failed to Properly Monitor Stop-and-Frisks by Aggressive Unit

More than a decade ago, a federal court found that the New York City Police Department had been unconstitutionally stopping and frisking Black and Hispanic residents. The ruling laid out required fixes, including something quite basic: The NYPD would review officers’ stops to make sure they were legal.

But for most of the past three years the nation’s largest police department failed to do that for many officers in one aggressive and politically connected unit as it stopped New Yorkers.

The lack of court-required review was recently discovered and disclosed by the NYPD’s federal monitor, which oversees the department’s compliance with the 2013 stop-and-frisk decision.

In all, more than 2,000 stops weren’t properly reviewed, according to data from the monitor.

The failure involved the Community Response Team, or CRT. A ProPublica investigation last year found that the unit had often sidestepped oversight as it went after so-called quality-of-life issues, such as unlicensed motorbikes and ATVs. The team’s tactics, including high-speed car chases, and its opaque operations disturbed some NYPD officials, but the unit expanded significantly amid the support of then-Mayor Eric Adams.

The lack of reviews is part of a pattern of the NYPD failing to deliver on its obligations under the long-standing court order. Officers across the department, for instance, have often not documented stops.

The importance of reviews is particularly critical for aggressive teams like the CRT, which has a record of unconstitutional stops. It has also drawn hundreds of civilian complaints since it was created three years ago. More than half of the officers assigned to the team have been found by the Civilian Complaint Review Board to have engaged in misconduct at least once in their career, according to a ProPublica analysis of board data last year. That compares with just a small fraction of NYPD officers overall.

Prior to its latest discovery, the federal monitor had raised alarms about the unit’s behavior. A report last year said that only 59% of stops, searches and frisks by CRT officers were lawful, a far worse rate than the NYPD’s patrol units. Nearly all of the stops involved Black or Hispanic residents.

In a letter to the court, the federal monitor said the newly discovered failure means the monitor’s own figures on the CRT’s rate of compliance with the Constitution is probably wrong. The actual rate, the monitor wrote, is “likely lower” than reported.

The court-appointed monitor, Mylan Denerstein, lambasted the NYPD and its failure to review the stops.

“The failure to audit these stops means unconstitutional stops, frisks and searches went undetected,” Denerstein said in a statement to ProPublica. “This is unacceptable. The City must do more and prevent this from happening.”

In a statement to ProPublica, the NYPD said it moved to fix the issues: “Under Commissioner (Jessica) Tisch the NYPD has taken significant additional steps to increase oversight and accountability. The Monitor and the NYPD identified this error, and the NYPD is working collaboratively with the Monitor to address it.”

For the first two and a half years after the unit was created in 2023, the failure to properly review stops affected just part of the unit, which was led by top brass.

But last fall, the issue became more widespread after the NYPD restructured the CRT to put officers stationed across the city under a central command. The move was intended to increase oversight of the team, which had new commanders. But in the process, stops for the entire unit, which had grown to about 180 officers, went unaudited.

One of the unit’s former commanders, John Chell, defended its record.

“This team really changed the game,” said Chell, who retired as the department’s top uniformed officer last year. “Did we make mistakes? Sure. But we stabilized the city. We did our job.”

Lawmakers and civil rights advocates, however, have long criticized the CRT’s aggressive policing and said the latest reporting failure underscores a need to disband the unit.

“The Community Response Team has operated with too little oversight and caused too much harm,” said state Sen. Jessica Ramos, who has recalled being wrongfully stopped and frisked by the NYPD more than a decade ago. “A unit with this record should not continue.”

Lawyers at the New York Civil Liberties Union, one of the original litigants in the stop-and-frisk case, also called for the CRT to be shuttered.

“These units have a long history of aggressive policing against people of color. There is no basis for them,” said Daniel Lambright, the organization’s director of criminal justice litigation. “They do more harm than good and they need to go.”

Mayor Zohran Mamdani, who took office in January and pledged during his campaign to reimagine public safety, has endorsed shuttering another unit that has drawn scrutiny for its heavy-handed approach to protests, but his office declined to address the rising calls to disband the CRT.

“We’re aware of issues raised about the Community Response Team, as well as the steps the NYPD has taken to address them,” a mayoral spokesperson said in a statement to ProPublica. “The Mamdani administration is committed to improving public safety in a way that meets the needs and values of New Yorkers.”

When it started three years ago, the CRT focused on Adams’ shifting priorities, such as cracking down on illegal motorcycles. The unit roamed the city proactively looking for crime rather than waiting for calls, the same approach once used by one of the NYPD’s most notorious units.

The CRT quickly developed a reputation for brutality. Just months after the unit started, one officer in an unmarked police car spotted a man on a dirtbike and swerved across a yellow line into oncoming traffic, hitting the motorcyclist head-on and sending him flying. The man later died from his injuries. The NYPD said that it punished the officer by taking 13 days of vacation from him.

Department leaders told ProPublica that even they had a hard time overseeing the unit’s work because it was essentially created off the books — a setup that ultimately led to the dropped reviews of stops. Officers who were part of the unit were often not formally assigned to it, meaning their conduct wasn’t properly tracked.

“It was one of those teams where everyone is a ghost,” one former department official told ProPublica last year.

That approach extended to stop-and-frisk.

When the monitor learned about the CRT in the unit’s early days, the NYPD assured the monitor that it would not do many stops. Only later, the monitor noted in a report last year, it discovered the team was “frequently” doing them.

In 2025, the CRT recorded 1,400 stop-and-frisks, according to data from the monitor and the NYPD. More than 900 were not properly reviewed.

India’s defense push is now industrial statecraft

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India’s defense push is now industrial statecraft

In recent days, India has announced a slew of defense launches, demonstrating the emergence of a new strategic doctrine in which manufacturing capability, technological self-reliance and national security are becoming intertwined.

From intercontinental ballistic missile-class systems to the rollout of indigenous glide weapons, smart artillery rockets, advanced stealth frigates and startup-built autonomous systems, India is no longer approaching defense production as a procurement exercise but as industrial statecraft.

Asia’s strategic balance is becoming more unstable, not less. Post-Operation Sindoor against Pakistan, in May 2025, India’s defense-industrial push has acquired a new strategic legitimacy. Future wars will depend as much on domestic manufacturing resilience, rapid technological adaptation and scalable precision systems as on conventional force structures.

China’s military-industrial capabilities, intensifying great-power competition across the Indo-Pacific, supply-chain fragmentation and the growing use of sanctions and export controls have all changed how states think about security.

In that environment, India’s recent defense launches are significant not only for what they do militarily, but also for what they signal economically and strategically.

The most striking example came this week with India’s maiden test of a nuclear-capable intercontinental ballistic missile-class platform. The test demonstrates advances in propulsion, guidance and re-entry technologies that only a handful of countries possess.

It also underscores how defense capability development drives wider industrial sophistication. Long-range missile programs require domestic ecosystems involving advanced metallurgy, electronics, precision engineering, computational systems and materials science. Countries capable of building these systems inevitably build wider technological depth.

The same logic underpins the DRDO-IAF trial of the Tactical Advanced Range Augmentation, or TARA, glide weapon system. TARA converts conventional unguided bombs into precision-guided stand-off weapons using low-cost indigenous technology.

Militarily, that improves survivability and strike precision. Economically, it demonstrates India’s attempt to move away from expensive import-heavy combat architectures towards scalable domestic precision manufacturing.

The Indian government recently articulated a four-pillar framework that effectively captures the country’s emerging strategic logic. Expanding manufacturing capacity addresses scale. Building resilient supply chains reduces external vulnerability.

Prioritizing innovation recognizes that future warfare will be increasingly AI-driven, autonomous and network-centric. Positioning India as a global defense manufacturing hub ties industrial growth directly to geopolitical influence.

The framework’s significance lies in its integrated approach. Defense production is becoming part of a wider economic-security architecture linking industrial policy, technology development, export growth and strategic autonomy. That shift is visible across India’s expanding defense ecosystem.

The guided missile program, Pinaka, is indicative of how indigenous production is altering the economics of India’s warfare capabilities. India’s guided rockets reportedly cost significantly less than comparable foreign systems while delivering precision deep-strike capability.

Pinaka is an indigenous, all-weather, multi-barrel rocket launcher (MBRL) system developed by India’s Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) for the Indian Army.

India’s strategy is clearly evident in the exports of its BrahMos and Pinaka missiles. New Delhi is using indigenous defense manufacturing as an instrument of strategic influence across the Indo-Pacific and beyond. Pinaka missiles have recently been bought by Armenia.

India has thus far delivered two of the three BrahMos missile systems — a US$375 million deal concluded with the Philippines just over four years ago. The third battery is slated for delivery soon.

India is now advancing a potential deal with Vietnam, a country at the center of maritime tensions in the South China Sea. Such exports are strategically significant because they extend India’s security partnerships while reinforcing deterrence architectures against expanding Chinese assertiveness across Asia.

The BrahMos missile ecosystem itself captures the wider logic behind India’s defense-industrial strategy. Producing and sustaining a supersonic cruise missile program requires advanced capabilities across propulsion systems, guidance technologies, precision manufacturing, software integration and complex supply-chain coordination.

Export growth validates industrial credibility while sustaining economies of scale. As exports expand, these ecosystems gain economies of scale, deepen localization and attract wider private-sector participation.

In strategic terms, BrahMos exports allow India to simultaneously strengthen global and regional partnerships, expand defense diplomacy and build long-term manufacturing depth. In economic terms, they help create exactly the kind of high-value industrial capability that India sees as critical in an era where technological sovereignty increasingly defines geopolitical power.

These programs also matter because they reduce import dependence, but because sustainable military readiness increasingly depends on production scalability during prolonged crises where industrial endurance often matters more than headline inventories.

At roughly $80,000 per guided rocket, the Pinaka system is reportedly substantially cheaper than comparable Western precision artillery systems such as the US GMLRS, which can cost upwards of $140,000 per round, giving India an important cost-efficiency advantage in sustained high-volume warfare.

Indian systems are increasingly attractive because they combine lower acquisition costs with operational flexibility and fewer political conditions than the US or China.

India’s naval expansion reflects the same strategic recalibration. The commissioning of INS Taragiri, with over 75% indigenous content, was not merely another naval induction but evidence that India’s shipbuilding ecosystem is achieving greater systems integration capability involving propulsion, stealth architecture, radar management and weapons integration.

This consciously developed interaction between defense production and economic capability is becoming central to India’s geopolitical positioning in the Indo-Pacific.

Beijing’s growing maritime presence across the Indian Ocean has forced New Delhi to think in terms of long-duration strategic competition rather than episodic military balancing. That requires manufacturing resilience. States dependent on external suppliers eventually face strategic constraints during crises, sanctions or supply-chain disruptions.

It also needs the localization of capabilities. The India-Germany submarine collaboration under Project-75(I) reflects this shift. The real significance of the deal lies not in platform acquisition but in technology transfer, domestic production capability and long-term industrial absorption. The objective is to reduce vulnerability in strategically sensitive sectors while building sovereign manufacturing depth.

The most important development, however, may be occurring inside India’s startup ecosystem. Noida-based IG Defense’s JWALA system reflects the new direction. Marketed as a hybrid between a missile and a one-way attack drone, it is designed to operate in the contested space between short-range and medium-range air defense.

Whether every technical claim ultimately survives operational testing is secondary to the larger trend: private Indian firms are now developing sophisticated battlefield systems involving AESA radars, autonomous guidance and multi-role engagement capability.

The same shift is visible in space security. Indian startups are working with government agencies on “bodyguard satellites” capable of protecting strategic space assets from hostile interference. That places India within an emerging frontier where commercial space capabilities, military deterrence and strategic surveillance increasingly overlap.

Drone manufacturing may become India’s largest asymmetric opportunity. India is now attempting to build indigenous capability across swarm intelligence, UAV propulsion, autonomous navigation and electronic warfare-linked drone operations. If Indian firms achieve scale and reliability, they could become globally competitive suppliers in a rapidly expanding market.

Execution risks remain a factor. India still depends heavily on imports for engines, semiconductors and advanced electronics. But the broader trajectory is becoming difficult to miss. India is attempting to convert defense manufacturing into a long-term geopolitical advantage.

In a world where industrial depth increasingly determines strategic power, that may become one of India’s most consequential shifts of the decade.

Vivek Y. Kelkar is a researcher and analyst focused on the intersection of geoeconomics, geopolitics and corporate strategy

Savannah Guthrie’s Husband Shares Heartbreaking Mother’s Day Tribute

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Savannah Guthrie’s Husband Shares Heartbreaking Mother’s Day Tribute


Savannah Guthrie’s family is spending Mother’s Day in heartbreak as the Today star continues searching for answers in the mysterious disappearance of her mother, Nancy Guthrie.

Nearly 100 days after Nancy vanished from her Arizona home, the emotional toll on the NBC anchor is only getting worse — and now her husband is publicly showing just how much pain the family is still carrying.

Savannah’s husband, Michael Feldman, shared a touching tribute to the longtime TV host on Instagram Sunday alongside a sweet family photo showing Savannah kissing their two children, Vale and Charley.

“To the strongest person I know,” Feldman wrote. “Surrounding you with love on Mother’s Day. ❤️💔❤️.”

The heartbreaking message immediately caught fans’ attention as Savannah continues struggling through what she previously described as the “unbearable” nightmare of not knowing what happened to her mother.

The beloved broadcaster broke down in tears during an emotional interview earlier this year while discussing Nancy’s disappearance.

“It is unbearable,” Savannah admitted while fighting back tears.

She revealed that the trauma has consumed her almost every night since her mother vanished.

“And to think of what she went through… I wake up every night in the middle of the night, every night, and in the darkness, I imagine her terror,” she said.

The emotional interview stunned viewers as Savannah openly apologized to her missing mother, even confessing fears that her own fame may somehow have made Nancy a target.

“I just want to say, I’m so sorry, mommy,” she said tearfully.

Savannah also slammed cruel online rumors surrounding members of her own family, including siblings Camron and Annie Guthrie, calling the speculation devastating during an already unimaginable ordeal.

“There are no words,” she said. “I don’t understand, and I’ll never understand.”

Now, after months of mystery and fear, authorities say they may finally be making progress.

Pima County Sheriff Chris Nanos recently hinted investigators are getting closer to answers in the case, teasing there have been “really great” developments behind the scenes.

Still, officials have refused to reveal exactly what they’ve uncovered.

As the investigation continues, criminal profilers appearing in NewsNation Presents: The Nancy Guthrie Mystery are raising disturbing new theories about why Nancy may have been targeted in the first place.

Profiler Dr. Ann Burgess said she does not believe Nancy personally knew whoever may be responsible.

Instead, experts fear Savannah herself could have been the real focus.

Behavior analyst Dr. Casey Jordan suggested the suspect may have recognized Nancy because of her famous daughter and intentionally targeted the elderly woman to emotionally destroy the Today host.

When NewsNation correspondent Brian Entin asked who may have suffered most from the disappearance, Burgess pointed directly at Savannah.

“In this case, it doesn’t have to be the mother,” Burgess explained. “It could be somebody in the family. Somebody — Savannah.”

Asked if the suspect may have wanted Savannah to “suffer,” Burgess responded simply: “Yes.”

“And she’s haunted by that,” Jordan added.

“I mean, it’s her mother,” Burgess said.

After Bibi: the comforting myth that a man is the problem

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After Bibi: the comforting myth that a man is the problem

There is a familiar parlor game underway in Washington and Tel Aviv, played with renewed enthusiasm now that Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid have once again merged their parties under the banner Beyachad, and the polls are showing — as they have for months — that Benjamin Netanyahu’s coalition can no longer assemble a Knesset majority.

The game goes by various names: “The Day After Bibi,” “Israel’s Reset,” “A New Chapter for the Region.” The premise is always the same. Once Netanyahu finally exits the political stage — defeated at the ballot box, pardoned into retirement or simply outlasted by his own mortality — the wheels of Middle East peace will start turning again.

Saudi normalization will be unfrozen. The Palestinians will get a serious interlocutor. Iran will be contained through diplomacy rather than bombs. The Abraham Accords will be expanded. The two-state solution, declared dead a thousand times, will be exhumed once more. It is a beautiful story. It is also, to put it as charitably as possible, nonsense.

This is not an argument that Netanyahu is a good prime minister, or that his particular blend of cynicism and longevity has not done real damage to Israeli democracy and to American interests in the region. He is, and it has.

But the pundits who treat his eventual departure as the magic key to regional transformation are committing the same analytical error they have committed for 30 years: they have mistaken a symptom for a cause.

Consider what the realistic post-Netanyahu coalition would actually look like. Bennett — the man cast in the New York Times as the great hope — has explicitly ruled out ceding any territory to the Palestinians and declared he will not govern with Arab parties.

Lapid, the centrist alternative, has spent the last year flailing in the polls because his electorate has moved sharply rightward since October 7. Gadi Eisenkot, the former Israel Defense Forces (IDF) chief of staff being courted as a dignified third leg of the opposition, prosecuted the Gaza campaign with as much vigor as anyone.

Avigdor Liberman, often imagined in the West as a moderating influence, is the man who once proposed transferring Israeli Arab citizens out of the country. This is the cast of characters from which our commentariat expects a Palestinian breakthrough?

The deeper point, which the personality-driven coverage obscures, is that Israeli public opinion has undergone a structural shift that no leadership change will reverse in the short term.

The trauma of October 7, 2023, was not metabolized by the Israeli electorate as an argument for compromise. It was metabolized as an argument that compromise — the Gaza disengagement above all — had been a catastrophic mistake. You can deplore this shift, as I do. You cannot wish it away by changing the man at the top.

And the personality-driven story is, of course, even more threadbare on the Palestinian side. Mahmoud Abbas is approaching ninety and presides over an Authority that controls a portion of the West Bank at the discretion of an Israeli army that arrests his security cooperation partners on a rotating basis.

Hamas, however degraded militarily, still commands genuine support among Palestinians who see no political horizon and increasingly see Fatah as a collaborationist relic. There is no “Palestinian Mandela” waiting in the wings. There is no unified address.

The premise of Oslo — that two coherent national movements could trade land for peace through their recognized leaderships — looks, from the vantage point of 2026, like a dispatch from another century.

Then there is the regional context, which the American foreign-policy class has a habit of forgetting. The Saudis have made clear, with the unmistakable clarity that comes from a kingdom that has watched American resolve evaporate from Kabul to Damascus, that normalization without movement on Palestinian statehood is now a non-starter.

This was true under Biden. It was true during the second Trump administration’s opening months. It will be true the day after Netanyahu signs his concession statement. Mohammed bin Salman is not waiting for a phone call from a kinder, gentler Israeli prime minister. He is waiting for an answer to the Palestinian question that the Israeli political system, in its current configuration, is structurally incapable of providing.

Iran, meanwhile, has emerged from the spring’s bombing campaign neither destroyed nor chastened, but radicalized. Whoever leads Israel will face the same Iranian nuclear threshold problem, the same Hezbollah rearming on the Lebanese border, the same Houthi disruptions in the Red Sea, the same Shia militias in Iraq.

The Iranian regime did not become Israel’s most committed adversary because of a personality clash with Netanyahu. It became so for reasons of ideology, regime preservation, and regional ambition that long predate his political career and will long survive it.

None of this is an argument for despair, and certainly not for resignation. It is an argument for the kind of mature realism that has been in short supply in both Washington and Jerusalem for at least a generation.

The departure of Netanyahu, when it comes — and it will come, sooner than his admirers fear and later than his detractors hope — should be welcomed for what it actually offers: a domestic political reset for a country that desperately needs one.

It will offer some improvement in Israel’s diplomatic standing, some easing of the worst pressures on the rule of law, some restoration of normal channels with European capitals. These are not small things, but they are not peace.

Peace, if that word still has any operational meaning, requires structural changes that no Israeli or Palestinian or American politician currently in the field is offering: a serious reckoning with the demographic and territorial realities west of the Jordan, a credible Palestinian political authority with the legitimacy to make and enforce hard decisions, a regional security architecture that does not depend on US military adventures the American public no longer wishes to fund.

None of these will arrive on inauguration day for Prime Minister Bennett, or Lapid or whichever permutation of the Israeli center-right ultimately assembles 61 seats. The Middle East has a habit of disappointing those who arrive bearing visions. The visions change; the disappointment does not. The names rotate; the conflict abides.

This article was originally published on Leon Hadar’s Global Zeitgeist and is republished with kind permission. Become a subscriber here.

Fernández Tells Herzog She Wants Costa Rican Embassy in Jerusalem

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Fernández Tells Herzog She Wants Costa Rican Embassy in Jerusalem


Costa Rican President Laura Fernández Delgado told Israeli President Isaac Herzog on Friday that she wants to upgrade Costa Rica’s diplomatic mission in Jerusalem into an embassy, according to Herzog’s office, in a move that would reverse a 2006 decision to relocate the country’s embassy in Israel to Tel Aviv.

The two leaders met in San José shortly after Fernández’s inauguration, which Herzog attended as Israel’s representative. The meeting was Fernández’s first official meeting as president, according to Herzog’s office.

Costa Rica had long maintained its embassy in Jerusalem before then-President Óscar Arias moved it to Tel Aviv in 2006, saying at the time that the change was meant to bring Costa Rican policy in line with international practice and improve ties with Arab countries. Most countries keep their embassies in Tel Aviv because the final status of Jerusalem remains one of the core disputes in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Israel considers Jerusalem its capital, while the Palestinians seek east Jerusalem as the capital of a future state.

Fernández was sworn in Friday as Costa Rica’s president for the 2026-2030 term, succeeding Rodrigo Chaves. Her administration is expected to continue much of Chaves’ political agenda, including a focus on security and closer ties with Washington. Herzog met Fernández on the sidelines of the inauguration, along with several other regional and international leaders.

Herzog’s office said he also met King Felipe VI of Spain, Chilean President José Antonio Kast, Honduran President Nasry Asfura, Guatemalan President Bernardo Arévalo, and Dominican President Rodolfo Abinader Corona.

“I was moved to see the depth of appreciation for Israel, the great interest in its capabilities, and the recognition of its unique contribution to humanity,” Herzog said before returning to Israel.

“In contrast to many voices on the international stage, a positive trend of change, tightening of ties, and deepening of cooperation with Israel is evident in Latin America,” he said.

Herzog’s office said he also attended Shabbat morning prayers at the Centro Israelita Sionista de Costa Rica in San José, where he read the Haftarah and addressed the congregation.

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