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“Cover-Up” Unravels as Pentagon Admits Nearly 100 Injured in Iran Strikes

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Nick Turse
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“Cover-Up” Unravels as Pentagon Admits Nearly 100 Injured in Iran Strikes


The Pentagon belatedly admitted that almost 100 U.S. troops have been injured in the last two weeks as Iran has hit U.S. targets across the Middle East, following months of reporting by The Intercept that found the Pentagon’s official tally of dead and wounded personnel is a gross undercount, which one U.S. government official previously called a “casualty cover-up.”

The disclosure came one day after a U.S. official told The Intercept that recent attacks by Iran had wounded “far more” personnel than the Pentagon had acknowledged, with “dozens” receiving medical attention. 

After ranting that reports of a Pentagon effort to withhold news of dozens of U.S. casualties were “baseless and malicious,” Sean Parnell, a Pentagon spokesperson, admitted on Monday that “nearly 100 service members were deemed to have some degree of injury since July 7.” But as of early Tuesday morning, the official Pentagon database tracking U.S. casualties continue to show no U.S. forces were wounded in action during July.

The U.S. official, speaking on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss American casualties, called this “official ineptitude” in the service of the Trump administration.

The disclosure comes after three Army soldiers were killed in ballistic missile attacks on Muwaffaq Salti Air Base in Jordan over the weekend. Pvt. Isabella Gonzales, 19, of Carrollton, Texas, and Lt. Tyler James Feehan, 25, of Ewa Beach, Hawaii, were killed in action. The third soldier is provisionally listed as missing, but the official said that “unidentified remains” found after the attack were “certainly” those of the missing soldier. A second official confirmed this assessment and said the soldier’s body was so badly disfigured that a “complete investigation” had to be conducted in order to confirm the identity.

In Iraq, Army Sgt. Michael Emmanuel Swinton, 30, of Fayetteville, North Carolina, was killed and another soldier was wounded over the weekend “during a controlled detonation” of an Iranian attack drone at Erbil Air Base.

U.S. bases across the Middle East suffered “significant” damage over the last week, according to the official speaking on the condition of anonymity. In addition to attacks in Jordan and Iraq, Iran struck U.S. military installations in Bahrain, Kuwait, and Syria according to the semi-official Tasnim News Agency, which is associated with Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. The attacks came after the U.S. failed to achieve any of its war objectives and April and June ceasefires crumbled. The official said Iran had learned how to defeat U.S. air defense systems by overwhelming them using a mix of ballistic missiles and attack drones.

Both Central Command and the Office of the Secretary of War failed to respond to detailed questions from The Intercept about the attacks and U.S. casualties.

Parnell said on X that further casualty updates would be posted to the Defense Casualty Analysis System, which tracks “deceased, wounded, ill or injured” service members for Congress and the president. Prior reporting by The Intercept found DCAS is missing hundreds of dead and wounded personnel. DCAS was also previously adjusted downward by 15 casualties without explanation. For months, the Pentagon has ignored requests by The Intercept for comment or clarification.

Parnell said on Monday morning that “casualty information is publicly available and regularly updated online on the Defense Casualty Analysis System for everyone, including the media, to review.” But DCAS was, uncharacteristically, not updated on Monday morning and instead offered outdated figures posted on Friday. On Monday afternoon, the count of wounded on some DCAS webpages rose from 427 to 447, but the Pentagon’s official tally of troops “wounded in action” during July remained at zero as of early Tuesday morning.

The U.S. official called the Pentagon’s confused casualty count “official ineptitude” that “serves the interests of this administration.” The source said errors, conflicting information, and disappearing data were tolerated because it “floods the zone” with misinformation and adds to confusion among the press and public.

Parnell claimed that the “vast majority of injuries experienced [this month] were minor concussions,” and that 96 percent of personnel have returned to duty. But blast symptoms — like traumatic brain injuries — can take time to manifest, if the military even bothers to assess them.

The Trump administration has often discounted head trauma. President Donald Trump himself has long dismissed brain injuries as “headaches” and “not serious.” After an Iranian missile attack on Al-Asad Air Base in Iraq in January 2020, Trump said, “We suffered no casualties.” The Pentagon would later acknowledge casualties resulting from the attack and proceeded to adjust the figure upward at least five times, with Central Command ultimately admitting that 110 troops suffered traumatic brain injuries. A November 2021 inspector general report indicated that the number of brain injuries may have been even higher, because “DoD cannot determine whether all Service members are being properly diagnosed and treated for TBIs in deployed settings.”

Alyssa Farah, a former Pentagon spokesperson, later revealed on a podcast that the Trump White House pressured the military to downplay those troops’ injuries. “We did get pushback from the White House of ‘Can you guys report this differently? Can it be every 10 days or two weeks, or we do a wrap-up after the fact?’” said Farah. “The White House would prefer if we did not give regular updates on it.” She added, “And I think that it ended up glossing over what ended up being very significant injuries on U.S. troops after the fact.”

Batanes latest on the list of China-Philippines flashpoints

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IwPost
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Batanes latest on the list of China-Philippines flashpoints

When Chinese scholars recently argued that Batanes was a natural extension of Taiwan — and therefore part of China’s territorial claim — they demonstrated how indigenous history and cultural ties can become entangled in contemporary geopolitical competition.

Although the argument has not been adopted as official Chinese policy, it nevertheless showed how easily long-standing relationships between indigenous communities can be reframed through the lens of strategic rivalry.

That possibility was far from anyone’s mind during the recent Lanyu–Batanes seafaring voyage, which sought to reconnect the Tao people of Taiwan’s Lanyu (Orchid Island) and the Ivatan people of the Philippines’ Batanes through a traditional crossing of the Bashi Channel.

As part of the project, I helped coordinate preparations for the voyage, while rowers trained for the crossing and organizers worked with government offices and communities on both sides of the channel.

Throughout the preparations, communities in Lanyu and Batanes looked forward to welcoming people they regarded as relatives and neighbors across the Bashi Channel, rather than as strangers separated by an international boundary.

During the project, many Ivatans began asking whether their cultural exchanges with the Tao people could continue beyond the voyage. Their concern was not geopolitics, but whether the crossing could mark the beginning of a renewed relationship rather than conclude with the boat’s arrival and ceremonial celebrations.

A few weeks after the voyage, that relationship became the subject of an unexpected territorial argument. At a symposium in China, several scholars claimed that Batanes was a natural extension of Taiwan and, because Beijing claims Taiwan, should also fall under Chinese sovereignty.

Their reasoning drew in part on the cultural and linguistic ties between the Tao people of Lanyu and the Ivatan people of Batanes. The scholars did not appear to cite the voyage, and their position has not been formally adopted by the Chinese government.

The Philippines immediately rejected the argument. Shared ancestry does not determine national borders, and cultural similarity does not transfer sovereignty. The Tao and Ivatan peoples can recognize a common history without belonging to the same state. But disproving the scholars’ claim should not be the end of the Philippine response.

The controversy raises a more immediate question for the Philippines: whether it will protect locally led cultural and educational cooperation between Batanes and Lanyu or allow political caution to narrow a relationship that communities are trying to rebuild.

Some people involved in these exchanges already worry that future activities could become harder to organize as Batanes attracts greater strategic attention.

As the Department of Foreign Affairs maintains the Philippines’ one-China policy, and activities involving Taiwan can draw scrutiny when government institutions are involved. Some caution is reasonable. The Philippines recognizes the People’s Republic of China and does not maintain formal diplomatic relations with Taiwan.

Yet the policy should not be interpreted so broadly that cultural contact is treated as a diplomatic threat. The Philippines has maintained unofficial relations with Taiwan for decades through the Manila Economic and Cultural Office (MECO), and locally led cultural and educational exchanges can continue without altering the country’s formal position.

For people in Batanes, Lanyu is not primarily a foreign policy question. It is a neighboring island whose Indigenous community shares parts of their maritime history.

The Ivatans wished for exchanges to continue were not challenging Philippine sovereignty or taking a position on Taiwan’s political status. They wanted to meet again and learn more about people across the channel.

That relationship now exists within an increasingly strategic space. Batanes lies between northern Luzon and Taiwan, near the Luzon Strait and along the First Island Chain. As tensions around Taiwan increase, the province has drawn greater attention from Philippine and allied defense planners.

Military exercises and new facilities have made that attention more visible. But reducing Batanes to military geography leaves out the relationships that already connect communities across the channel and the role those connections can play when formal systems come under pressure.

The seafaring project gave me a close view of how those relationships work. Approvals and frameworks were necessary, but they could not resolve every problem. Conditions changed repeatedly, and government offices did not always receive the same information at the same time.

When difficulties arose, progress depended on individuals who trusted one another enough to communicate directly and find practical solutions. These relationships were created for a cultural voyage, not a defense operation.

Still, the project showed that communication across the Bashi Channel depends on people as much as formal agreements. During a typhoon, maritime accident, or transport disruption, familiarity between local institutions may help information move when official channels are slow.

This is where the voyage touches on maritime security. A cultural exchange will not deter incursions or defend Philippine territory, and Tao and Ivatan communities should not have to justify their relationship in those terms. At the same time, maritime security is not only about military capability.

It also depends on how well local institutions communicate when formal systems are strained. Relationships between Batanes and Lanyu may strengthen local resilience without turning Indigenous communities into instruments of military policy.

The larger foreign policy issue is whether the Philippines will allow communities to shape relationships that already carry geopolitical consequences. Restricting exchanges because that relationship has become politically sensitive would allow their interpretation to determine what people in Batanes may do with their own history.

If the Philippines limits lawful cooperation simply because some Chinese actors have politicized it, China gains influence over Philippine policy without needing to make a formal demand.

The DFA should instead issue clear public guidance confirming that locally led cultural and educational cooperation between Batanes and Lanyu can continue under the One-China policy.

It should clarify that unofficial community exchanges do not amount to diplomatic recognition and provide local governments and organizations with a reliable process for proposing future activities. Clear rules would preserve the Philippines’ diplomatic position while preventing uncertainty from becoming an informal restriction.

The attention generated by the voyage may lead Taiwanese institutions to support more projects in Batanes, but additional funding will only be meaningful if the Ivatan communities have a role in deciding how it is used. Support should strengthen local institutions, develop long-term partnerships, and allow exchanges to continue beyond another ceremony or public event.

It could help schools and community leaders maintain contact with their counterparts in Lanyu and develop projects based on needs they identify with. Batanes should not become a backdrop for programs designed elsewhere or a convenient symbol for cultural diplomacy.

The people who live there should help set priorities, choose partners, and determine how their history is represented. If the relationship with Lanyu is to last, it must grow from what Ivatan and Tao communities want to build together rather than from what outside institutions believe that relationship should become.

Giving communities that authority is especially important because their efforts to reconnect now take place within a geopolitical contest they did not create. Batanes has found itself at the intersection of territorial narratives, diplomatic caution, and regional security planning, but its people are not passive figures caught between larger powers.

Through the partnerships they pursue and the meanings they give to their shared history, they can influence how the relationship across the Bashi Channel develops. Philippine policy should protect that ability by ensuring that future cooperation is shaped with Ivatan communities rather than merely carried out in Batanes.

Janina Tan is a Filipino researcher based in Taiwan whose work focuses on Indigenous collaboration, maritime governance, and Philippines-Taiwan relations. She supported cross-border coordination and interpretation for the Lanyu-Batanes seafaring project and is part of the Yokosuka Council on Asia Pacific Studies (YCAPS) Taiwan Maritime GENIE.

Smoky Lime Chicken Fajita Bowls

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IwPost
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Smoky Lime Chicken Fajita Bowls
Overhead view of Smoky Lime Chicken Fajita Bowls with grilled chicken, cilantro-lime rice, black beans, charred peppers, avocado, corn, tomatoes, cotija, and lime crema in a white bowl.
A bright and fresh Smoky Lime Chicken Fajita Bowl loaded with colorful toppings, tender chicken, and creamy lime drizzle.

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Smoky Lime Chicken Fajita Bowls bring everything you love about sizzling fajitas into one colorful, satisfying meal. Tender chicken strips are coated with citrus, warm spices, and a touch of brown sugar. Then, they are seared until juicy with beautifully caramelized edges.

Meanwhile, sweet peppers, red onion, and corn cook in the same skillet. As a result, they pick up every flavorful browned bit left behind by the chicken. Each bowl starts with buttery cilantro-lime rice and quick cumin-garlic black beans.

In addition, fresh tomatoes, creamy avocado, salty cotija, and cool garlic-lime crema create plenty of delicious contrast. The finished bowl feels generous and restaurant-worthy. However, the method remains practical enough for a weeknight dinner.

Finally, serve everything with fresh cilantro and lime wedges. The toppings can also be arranged separately, making these chicken fajita bowls easy for everyone to customize.

Overhead view of Smoky Lime Chicken Fajita Bowls with grilled chicken, cilantro-lime rice, black beans, charred peppers, avocado, corn, tomatoes, cotija, and lime crema in a white bowl.
A bright and fresh Smoky Lime Chicken Fajita Bowl loaded with colorful toppings, tender chicken, and creamy lime drizzle.

Recipe Yield: 4 servings

INGREDIENTS

Cilantro-lime rice:
1 cup long-grain white rice, rinsed and drained
1½ cups low-sodium chicken broth
1 tbsp unsalted butter
¼ tsp kosher salt
2 tbsp chopped fresh cilantro
1 tbsp fresh lime juice

Smoky lime chicken:
1½ lb boneless skinless chicken breasts, cut into ½-inch-thick strips
3 tbsp olive oil, divided
1 tbsp fresh lime juice
1 tbsp fresh orange juice
1 tsp finely grated lime zest
2 tsp chili powder
1 tsp smoked paprika
1 tsp ground cumin
1 tsp garlic powder
½ tsp onion powder
½ tsp dried oregano
1 tsp light brown sugar
1 tsp kosher salt
¼ tsp black pepper

Fajita vegetables and beans:
1 (15 oz) can black beans, drained and rinsed
1 cup frozen corn, thawed and patted dry
1 red bell pepper, thinly sliced
1 yellow bell pepper, thinly sliced
1 medium red onion, thinly sliced
½ tsp kosher salt
¼ tsp ground cumin
¼ tsp garlic powder
¼ tsp kosher salt
2 tbsp water

Lime crema and toppings:
½ cup full-fat plain Greek yogurt or sour cream
1 tbsp fresh lime juice
2 tbsp chopped fresh cilantro
1 small garlic clove, finely grated
½ tsp honey
¼ tsp kosher salt
1 to 2 tbsp water, as needed
1 large ripe avocado, sliced
1 cup cherry tomatoes, halved
½ cup crumbled cotija cheese
1 lime, cut into wedges
2 tbsp chopped fresh cilantro

INSTRUCTIONS

1. Cook the rice:
Combine the rice, chicken broth, butter, and salt in a medium saucepan. Bring to a boil, then cover and reduce the heat to low. Simmer for 15 minutes. Remove from the heat and let stand, covered, for 10 minutes.

2. Make the lime crema:
Whisk the Greek yogurt, lime juice, cilantro, garlic, honey, and salt until smooth. Add enough water for a spoonable consistency. Refrigerate until serving.

3. Season the chicken:
Toss the chicken with 1 tbsp olive oil, lime juice, orange juice, lime zest, chili powder, smoked paprika, cumin, garlic powder, onion powder, oregano, brown sugar, salt, and pepper. Let rest for 15 minutes.

4. Sear the chicken:
Heat a large 12-inch skillet over medium-high heat. Lift the chicken from the marinade, letting excess liquid drip away. Cook in two batches, adding 1½ tsp olive oil before each batch. Sear undisturbed for 2 minutes, then cook for 2–4 minutes more, turning occasionally. Transfer to a plate once browned and cooked to 165°F. Rest for 5 minutes.

5. Char the vegetables:
Add the remaining 1 tbsp olive oil to the skillet. Add the peppers, onion, and salt in an even layer. Cook undisturbed for 2 minutes, then stir occasionally for 3–4 minutes until tender with lightly charred edges. Add the corn and cook for 2 minutes. Transfer to a plate.

6. Season the beans:
Reduce the heat to medium. Add the black beans, cumin, garlic powder, salt, and water. Cook for 2–3 minutes, stirring occasionally, until hot and lightly coated with the seasonings.

7. Finish the rice:
Fluff the rested rice with a fork. Gently fold in the cilantro and lime juice.

8. Assemble the bowls:
Divide the cilantro-lime rice among four bowls. Add the beans, fajita vegetables, chicken, avocado, tomatoes, and cotija. Drizzle with lime crema, sprinkle with cilantro, and serve with lime wedges.

HELPFUL TIPS TO PERFECT THIS RECIPE

  • Cook the chicken in two batches: A spacious skillet gives the chicken better caramelization. Let each batch sear undisturbed before turning the pieces.
  • Keep the marinade brief: Fifteen minutes gives the chicken plenty of citrus flavor. Avoid marinating longer than 30 minutes because the lime juice can soften the surface excessively.
  • Dry the corn thoroughly: Extra moisture makes corn steam. Patting it dry helps create lightly blistered, golden kernels.
  • Prep the components ahead: The rice, beans, vegetables, chicken, and crema can be prepared in advance. Store the avocado, tomatoes, cheese, and crema separately from the warm ingredients.

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New Trump book will have readers playing the parlour game: who blabbed?

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IwPost
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With their latest book, Regime Change: Inside the Imperial Presidency of Donald Trump, New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Australian-American Jonathan Swan have written an “inside-the-beltway” account, as they say in Washington, for political nerds and Trump obsessives. It covers in intricate detail the first year of Trump’s second term in office. And, as one would expect from two journalists of their calibre, it is scrupulously researched and thoroughly sourced.

Up front the two authors announce that they conducted “more than a thousand interviews with a wide range of people close to President Trump”. These interviews were carried out “on the journalistic ground rule of deep background”. This is an arrangement whereby a source gives out information on the basis that it will not be attributed to them.

And it is this sourcing of interviewees, in particular from the intimate group of Trump’s most trusted and loyal buddies, that will fascinate journalists and the political cognoscenti. How on earth did the authors get such stunning access to the inner circles of his government, friends and associates?

The book is stuffed to the gills with Trump’s denigrating and indiscreet one-liners about world leaders and political opponents. It also contains what it calls “detailed scenes in sensitive locations” and some of the dialogue is in direct quotes, so one can only conclude that it was the very people inside the room who were leaking.

For example, in the meeting that planned “Operation Epic Fury”, the ongoing US military operation against Iran which began on February 28, the book recounts that the group “had been kept so tight that two key officials who would need to manage the largest supply disruption in the history of the global oil market – Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and Energy Secretary Chris Wright – were still not in the loop, one day before the launch of the war. Nor was the director of national intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard”.

So who was there? Vice-president J.D. Vance, chief of staff Susie Wiles, CIA director John Ratcliffe, White House counsel David Warrington, communications director Steven Cheung, press secretary Karoline Leavitt, chairman of the joint chiefs of staff Dan Caine, secretary of war Pete Hegseth and secretary of state Marco Rubio. So if there were, as Haberman and Swan note, “no presentations” and “no paperwork”, presumably one of these top officials must have blabbed.

The only two people quoted directly in this instance were Trump and Ratcliffe, the CIA director. According to the authors’ notes on sources at the start of the book, direct quotes come “either from the person speaking them, someone who heard them directly, or from contemporaneous notes, recordings or transcripts”. This question will excite the political sleuths out there – not to mention White House staff. As the celebrated Anglo-American journalist Tina Brown notes in her “Fresh Hell” Substack review, at the very least, “it’s an interesting parlour game”.

The 464-page book is a comprehensive look at Trump’s first year, but it’s not a rollicking page turner. The details in certain chapters will only interest readers engrossed by that particular topic’s minutiae. Broadly it is broken up into four parts, and the titles tell the tale: Whirlwind; Retribution; The Enemy Within and Plunder.

Thin skin

Trump’s narcissism jumps off the page. In a chat with the authors published in the epilogue, he happily quotes “a historian” as saying: “Donald Trump is, without question, the most powerful man that the planet has ever known – by a long way”. And that: “If President Trump is the American Eagle, then William the Conqueror was merely a sparrow.” On checking the source, the authors discover that the “historian” was South African golfer Gary Player’s former caddie.

The book finds plenty of evidence of the president’s thin skin suggesting he will go to any lengths to wreak revenge on those he sees as having wronged him, particularly over what he still insists on calling the “stolen election” of 2020. The authors note that “retribution – against critics, prosecutors, investigators, journalists, and even late-night talk hosts – was always at the top of Trump’s second-term agenda.”

There are few public figures prepared to stand up to him. One quiet hero of the book is the chairman of the federal reserve Jerome Powell. Trump was frustrated that he couldn’t seize control of interest rates, but Powell did not buckle even though Trump tried myriad ways to have him prosecuted. In desperation Trump settled on the renovation of the organisation’s HQ in Washington.

Donald Trump with the Federal Reserve chairman, Jerome Powell, both wearing hard hats.

‘I just want to bust his fucking balls’: Donald Trump with the Federal Reserve chairman, Jerome Powell, July 2025. AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson, File

His language concerning Powell, according to the book, is shockingly intemperate: “I want to bust his fucking balls, honestly,” Trump said of Powell. “What about that fucking building? Can we stop it? Can we stop construction? I just want to bust his fucking balls. Fuck him”. One is left asking again – who squealed on this particular story?

On the record

The book represents the best of factual political reporting and will be read in the future as an invaluable historical record of the Trump government. Sprinkled throughout its pages are behind the scenes campaigns to try to snap shut the Epstein Files, and round up illegal migrants (and ordinary Americans) via Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).

There are tasteless anecdotes such as when the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, gave Trump a gold-plated pager, to commemorate an Israeli operation to blow up Hezbollah members. The pagers and walkie-talkies killed 37 people including children and injured many more.

But there’s one area that the authors didn’t succeed in penetrating, as underlined by Martin Pengelly in The Guardian, and that concerns Trump’s health. Here it seems nobody is prepared to spill the beans from either the regime or the health services. His tendency to fall asleep and slur his words is beginning to mirror the behaviour of Joe Biden in his final year in office.

It is surprising that as journalists the pair has not investigated more of Trump’s attacks on the press. They do summarise his lawsuit against Rupert Murdoch, and his fights with CBS and the New York Times, but there is only passing reference to his appalling treatment of journalists – in particular women reporters.

The breakup of the Elon Musk bromance is also covered only scantily, when one would have expected more in-depth reporting.

Inevitably one is left to ponder if Musk could have been one of the early whistleblowers, or perhaps even conservative podcaster Tucker Carlson, another former insider with whom the US president appears to have had an epic falling out. I don’t suppose Trump will want to pop this tome on the shelves of his presidential library. But when he finishes investigating the leaks, whose heads will roll?

This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something, The Conversation UK may earn a commission.

TreeSize won’t renew perpetual-license support unless users subscribe

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IwPost
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TreeSize won’t renew perpetual-license support unless users subscribe

The company behind the disk space analyzer TreeSize has irked some users by no longer offering support or updates for perpetual licenses beyond their maintenance period unless customers subscribe. Further frustration has come from JAM Software’s longstanding policy of not providing license keys or installers to TreeSize perpetual license holders after that support period ends.

Since 2025, JAM Software has been transitioning most TreeSize editions to subscription models. Today, it sells perpetual licenses only for personal use, which include 12 months of updates, support, and “downloads of older versions, and your license,” plus the option to extend the support period. TreeSize currently has “no plans to discontinue the sale of perpetual licenses for TreeSize Personal,” product manager Hendrik Christ told Ars Technica.

As perpetual-license maintenance periods expire, customers are discovering that extending support now generally requires subscribing to software they already own the right to use.

On Reddit, a user shared an email informing them that support for their perpetual license ends in September, after which they will lose access to updates and support because those “are only available in the subscription.”

Christ told Ars that considering the “current economic conditions,” the change was “necessary to keep developing and supporting TreeSize reliably over the long term.”

One of the biggest criticisms is that JAM Software will not provide backup installation files or license keys to customers with unsupported licenses. TreeSize’s email urged the user to make backups.

“Honestly, it feels quite low to strip paying customers of the ability to simply download the installer for a software version they already paid for,” the Reddit user said.

But even before it sold TreeSize subscriptions, JAM Software didn’t permanently retain every installation file and key after a customer’s support period ended, Christ said. This is because “older software versions can contain known bugs or even security vulnerabilities,” he said, adding:

Making these available for download indefinitely and without restriction is something we consider a risk to our customers, particularly in business environments. There’s also the technical and organizational overhead of maintaining and supporting old versions and their associated keys indefinitely.

Although TreeSize says this is a longstanding policy, the backlash highlights the disconnect between what many people expect when buying a perpetual license and what they get when a software vendor shifts its business model toward subscriptions.

“To make sure customers aren’t caught off guard, we proactively notify them by email, well before their maintenance ends, to back up their installation file and license key themselves. This is meant to ensure no one loses access to software they’ve already purchased,” Christ said.

Should this be a subscription?

There’s also the question of whether it makes sense to subscribe to a disk space analyzer, especially when there are free alternatives like WinDirStat.

Christ admitted that the change has been “frustrating for some customers.” When asked about online requests for refunds, Christ said, “since our customers do receive what was agreed, namely indefinite use of the software version they purchased, we don’t consider a refund to be warranted…”

A free version of TreeSize exists, but it lacks some features, including the ability to search for duplicate files, deduplicate redundant files, and compare disk space usage over time. It is not for business use.

TreeSize’s evolution illustrates the growing subscription economy, particularly the software industry’s fixation on recurring revenue. Over the past decade, software vendors have increasingly shifted to subscriptions in pursuit of more predictable revenue streams.

In TreeSize’s case, JAM Software wanted to “continue offering our customers a relevant, well-maintained product over the long term,” Christ said.

“The broader economic environment is more challenging today than it was a few years ago, and we feel that too as a software vendor,” he added. “To continue meeting our own standards and our responsibility to business customers who rely on high-quality software, we are placing greater emphasis on predictability in development and support. A subscription model gives us that predictability in a way one-time purchases do not.”

Ireland clamps down on e-scooters after rise in serious injuries

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IwPost
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Ireland clamps down on e-scooters after rise in serious injuries


Ireland will raise the minimum age for the use of electric scooters to 18 from 16, and require riders to be ​licensed and wear helmets, the government said, although ‌it stopped short of a total ban Prime Minister Micheal Martin had said he was leaning towards.

Ireland followed a handful of other European countries and cities in clamping down ​on surging e-scooter usage after a rise in accidents, particularly among ​children.

Admissions of children and young people for traumatic brain injuries ⁠resulting from e-scooter accidents have risen by 50% in the last ​12 months, according to Children’s Health Ireland (CHI), which operates all national paediatric ​services.

CHI estimates that one to two children a day are presenting in emergency departments this summer with e-scooter injuries.

Martin told lawmakers last week that he was leaning towards ​an outright ban, an option the head of the Irish police ​force said he would absolutely support, adding that the vehicles were also being used ‌to ⁠facilitate drug dealing and “terrorise” local communities.

A potential full ban will remain on the table, the government said in a statement, as it outlined other measures including the mandatory wearing of high-visibility jackets and prohibition of the ​sale of e-scooters that ​can exceed ⁠the legal speed limit of 20 kilometres per hour (12.4 miles per hour).

Suzanne Crowe, a consultant in intensive care ​medicine at one of the main children’s hospitals in ​Dublin, said ⁠better enforcement of the laws would be key.

“I would certainly like to see that it would be reviewed after a period of months and if ⁠we ​still don’t have a fall off in ​injuries, I think some consideration is going to have to be given to an outright ban,” ​she told national broadcaster RTE.

Source:  Reuters

US Navy’s Zumwalt destroyer falling behind the hypersonic times

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IwPost
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US Navy’s Zumwalt destroyer falling behind the hypersonic times

The US Navy’s delayed effort to equip its troubled Zumwalt-class destroyers with hypersonic missiles is testing whether the ships can finally gain a credible combat role without repeating their history of shifting missions, immature technologies and mounting costs.

This month, the US Government Accountability Office (GAO) reported that the US Navy is 24 months behind schedule in equipping its three Zumwalt-class destroyers with Conventional Prompt Strike (CPS) hypersonic missiles, citing shipyard overruns, testing setbacks, funding constraints and production problems.

The first ship, USS Zumwalt, was 94% through modernization as of January 2026, but its yard period has slipped by 10 months to late fiscal 2026 after Huntington Ingalls added 230,000 labor hours, at a cost of US$20 million, for unexpected cabling, electrical-system failures and other work.

The US Navy had planned to begin shipboard flight tests in 2025 but now targets the third quarter of fiscal 2027 after anomalies involving missile production, fire-control software and an Army launcher.

It has also adopted incremental testing to reduce risks to the ship and crew. Officials nevertheless called the revised timetable optimistic and dependent on successful development and testing.

Lockheed Martin’s production facility can build only six to seven rounds annually, compared with the 12 needed to stabilize output, because the missile requires more labor than expected and has encountered coating, quality-control and work-instruction problems.

GAO said fragmented Navy and Army investment decisions were contributing to delays and urged the US Department of Defense (DoD) to adopt a joint strategy for an effort expected to cost at least US$50 billion.

The setbacks raise a broader question: can the Zumwalt class become a credible hypersonic strike platform, or will the refit reproduce the same design, cost and mission problems that have followed the ships from their inception?

The CPS delay is the latest setback for a class repeatedly reshaped by changing requirements and technological risk. Kevin Eyer wrote in an April 2026 Proceedings article that shifting priorities, cost growth and reliance on unproven technologies undermined the class.

Eyer wrote that the Zumwalt class was initially conceived as an air-defense warship before cost limits drove its redesign as a coastal land-attack vessel centered on the Advanced Gun System (AGS).

He added that when the AGS’s specialized ammunition rose to about US$1 million per round, the US Navy canceled procurement, leaving the roughly $4 billion ship without its intended primary weapon and without a clear mission for nearly a decade.

Eyer argued that experimental designs carry substantial financial risk, that critical technologies should be tested before being incorporated into a ship design and that new classes require a clearly defined operational purpose.

The delays come as China and Russia expand their high-speed strike arsenals, increasing pressure on the US to field comparable capabilities.

Michael White argued in a February 2026 Atlantic Council report that China and Russia had established a substantial lead by fielding hundreds of high-speed and hypersonic weapons while US systems were only approaching operational deployment.

White cited Russia’s operational Kinzhal, Tsirkon and nuclear-armed Avangard systems, including weapons used in Ukraine, as well as China’s DF-17 hypersonic glide weapon and its broader DF-21 and DF-26 high-speed missile forces threatening regional bases and aircraft carriers.

White noted that the US has pursued systems including Dark Eagle, CPS and the Air-Launched Rapid Response Weapon (ARRW), while the Hypersonic Air-breathing Weapon Concept (HAWC) served as a technology-demonstration program. However, he argued that affordability, production capacity and delayed fielding continue to limit the scale and readiness of the US arsenal.

Equipping the Zumwalt class with CPS could allow the ships to strike time-sensitive, heavily defended targets from long range. But concentrating a small number of costly missiles aboard three distinctive surface ships could make the vessels priority targets for enemy surveillance and attack.

Hypersonic weapons also depend on a broader network of sensors, communications, targeting systems and command authorities, creating potential points of failure beyond the launch platform itself.

An adversary could therefore neutralize the capability indirectly, using drones, anti-ship missiles, mines, torpedoes, electronic warfare or cyberattacks against its launch platforms, sensor networks and command-and-control nodes before the hypersonic missile is fired.

Those vulnerabilities raise a second question: even if the launch network survives, will the weapons themselves deliver the decisive effects their advocates promise?

Yet combat experience also suggests that hypersonic weapons are neither uniformly decisive nor impossible to defend against.

Bill Christopher Arputharaj and Amit Mukherjee argued in a February 2026 Journal of Strategic Studies article that Russia’s Kinzhal and Tsirkon weapons produced some tactical advantages in Ukraine but became increasingly vulnerable to Western-supplied air defenses.

They estimated interception rates of 37.5% for Kinzhal and 28.5% for Tsirkon, although wartime claims about launches and interceptions remain difficult to verify independently.

They identified Russia’s Oreshnik missile as a potentially more consequential development because of its use of multiple reentry vehicles and its apparent ability to complicate Ukrainian defenses, although its battlefield effectiveness remains difficult to assess from limited combat use.

The physical demands of sustained hypersonic flight may also limit claims that such weapons are uniquely fast, stealthy or difficult to intercept.

In a March 2024 Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists article, David Wright and Cameron Tracy challenged claims that hypersonic weapons are uniquely transformative, arguing that the surrounding hype risks distorting defense priorities.

They argued that atmospheric drag and extreme heating reduce the speed and range advantages of hypersonic glide vehicles, particularly when compared with ballistic missiles over similar distances.

They also noted that hypersonic boost-glide vehicles generate infrared signatures that may be detected by space-based sensors, potentially allowing terminal defenses to engage them. Their analysis suggests that large hypersonic investments should be weighed against more mature and potentially more cost-effective strike and defensive capabilities.

Strategic-stability concerns may also have contributed to the US’s more cautious approach. Carrie Lee wrote in a September 2022 Texas National Security Review article that proponents see hypersonic weapons as a means of rapidly threatening defended, high-value targets without a large visible force buildup.

Conversely, Lee wrote that skeptics argue these weapons may offer limited additional value to already powerful militaries while increasing instability. Lee warned that compressed decision times and uncertainty over a missile’s target or warhead could encourage rapid escalation during a crisis, particularly between nuclear-armed states.

The next test for the US is whether it can integrate hypersonic weapons into a resilient joint strike network rather than allowing technological urgency to redefine platforms and missions around an unproven capability.

That will require selective procurement, survivable sensor and command networks, distributed launch options and realistic operational testing; otherwise, the US may narrow the numerical gap without securing a durable battlefield advantage.

NASTEX 2026 Opens in Damascus as Syria Seeks To Revive Textile Industry 

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NASTEX 2026 Opens in Damascus as Syria Seeks To Revive Textile Industry 


[DAMASCUS] The NASTEX 2026 international textile exhibition opened in Damascus on Saturday, bringing together more than 300 companies from over 20 countries as Syria looks to revive its textile industry, attract investment, and boost exports as part of broader efforts to stimulate its economy. 

The four-day exhibition, held at Damascus’ Conference Palace through July 21, features manufacturers of textiles, garments, furnishings, machinery, equipment, yarns and raw materials, alongside companies showcasing digital transformation solutions and advanced industrial technologies. Organizers say the event is intended to strengthen commercial partnerships and open new markets for Syrian products. 

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa inaugurated the exhibition, describing the textile industry as a cornerstone of the country’s economic heritage and saying its revival could play a key role in reconstruction efforts. 

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa delivers remarks during the opening ceremony of the NASTEX 2026 Syria International Textile Expo in Damascus, July 18, 2026. (Qusai Abdul Bari / The Media Line)

Speaking at the opening ceremony, al-Sharaa said the exhibition marks “a point of departure” in addressing poverty and economic hardship, arguing that revitalizing the textile sector could create thousands of jobs while helping restore industrial production and economic growth. 

He added that Syria is working to build a new phase based on civil peace, national unity, balanced diplomacy, security, and economic development, paving the way for the country’s return as a regional center for production, innovation, and skilled labor. 

Economy and Industry Minister Mohammad Nidal al-Shaar described NASTEX as “more than a specialized exhibition,” calling it a message of confidence in Syria’s return as a regional hub for manufacturing, industry, and trade. 

Al-Shaar said the government is pursuing policies to create a more competitive investment climate by removing obstacles to production, modernizing industry, encouraging innovation, and expanding exports to restore the reputation of products labeled “Made in Syria.” 

Performers take part in the opening ceremony of the NASTEX 2026 Syria International Textile Expo in Damascus, July 18, 2026. (Qusai Abdul Bari / The Media Line)

Fadi al-Mohamid, founder of NASTEX, said the exhibition serves as a platform connecting manufacturers, suppliers, and investors to promote new business partnerships. Organizers describe it as the Middle East’s first integrated event dedicated to textiles, furnishings, and interior design, bringing together the latest products, technologies, and innovations in the sector, including fabrics, furniture, manufacturing equipment, raw materials, and digital industrial solutions. 

The textile industry was once one of Syria’s largest employers and exporters before being severely damaged during more than a decade of conflict. Syrian officials hope renewed economic activity and increased investor participation will help restore production and improve the sector’s competitiveness in regional and international markets. 

 

 

Politician Barks at His Dog in Shocking Meltdown During Live TV Interview

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Politician Barks at His Dog in Shocking Meltdown During Live TV Interview


An Australian politician’s live TV interview took a bizarre turn Monday when he suddenly stopped answering a serious question about race, deportations, and the direction of his party — and instead screamed at his dog.

Barnaby Joyce, a 59-year-old lawmaker with Australia’s right-wing One Nation party, was speaking with ABC host Sarah Ferguson when the interview veered into unexpected territory. The topic was party leader Pauline Hanson, 72, and her push for Trump-style mass deportations, a stance Ferguson suggested was pulling Joyce deeper into a politics of “intolerance and racial discrimination.”

“[Hanson] is dragging you further into a place of intolerance and racial discrimination,” Ferguson told him during the live segment. “You’re defending your leader, but are you really comfortable with where she is taking you?”

Joyce began to respond, saying, “I think…” before suddenly exploding off-camera.

“SIT DOWN!!!” he shouted.

For a moment, the interview appeared to freeze in awkward confusion as Joyce’s face flushed and the outburst hung in the air. He quickly tried to recover, explaining that the command had not been aimed at the host or anyone on the program.

“Sorry, it’s the dog,” he said.

The strange on-air moment instantly added another wild chapter to Joyce’s long history of headline-grabbing public blowups. And for anyone who remembers his infamous feud with Johnny Depp and Amber Heard over their dogs, the timing could not have been more ironic.

Back in 2015, Joyce was Australia’s agriculture minister when Depp and Heard were accused of illegally bringing their two Yorkshire terriers, Pistol and Boo, into the country on a private jet. Australian authorities said the couple had violated the country’s strict biosecurity and animal import laws.

Joyce did not hold back. He warned that if the dogs were not removed from Australia, they could be euthanized.

“If we start letting movie stars — even though they’ve been the sexiest man alive twice — to come into our nation and break the laws, then why don’t we just break the laws for everybody?” Joyce said at the time.

He argued that Australia’s strict rules were necessary to keep diseases such as rabies out of the country.

“If he doesn’t take Boo and Pistol back, we do have to euthanize them,” Joyce said then. “The reason you can walk through a park in Brisbane and not have in the back of your mind, ‘What happens if a rabid dog comes out and bites me or bites my kid?’ is because we’ve kept that disease out.”

The dogs were eventually flown out of Australia, but the controversy became an international embarrassment and a lasting celebrity-politics feud. Heard later apologized online, though she clearly never forgot the episode.

Years later, Joyce found himself at the center of another political mess when he discovered in 2017 that he had inherited New Zealand citizenship through his father. Under Australia’s constitution, dual nationals are barred from sitting in parliament, and Joyce briefly lost his seat.

Heard mocked him on Twitter, writing that she had sent him “a box of New Zealand’s finest kiwi fruit” to comfort him, assuming it could get through his own biosecurity rules.

The actress revived the joke again in 2021 when she adopted a dog and named it Barnaby Joyce. Joyce, who has also served twice as Australia’s deputy prime minister, brushed off the dig and said he was flattered, claiming it meant he was still living in her head rent-free.

Now, after barking orders at his own dog during a live interview, Joyce is once again making headlines for all the wrong reasons.

When your vehicle outlives its cloud: What happens next?

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When your vehicle outlives its cloud: What happens next?

Do you use your vehicle’s app to pre‑cool the cabin on a scorching day, confirm the doors are locked from bed, or have the car automatically call for help when the airbags go off?

Savor those connected, cloud‑based conveniences while you can—the clock is already ticking on their obsolescence. In a few short years, you may be driving today’s vehicle without many of the features you currently enjoy.

How we got hooked on the cloud

“Connected services”—cloud-based and networked features that let a vehicle communicate with external systems to deliver apps, data, and remote functions to drivers and passengers—have been around since the 1990s, when GM introduced OnStar as an option. Those early systems were mostly voice‑centric, but they still depended on centralized back‑end systems. Modern versions, which are fully data-driven and cloud-hosted, use much more sophisticated over-the-air data links to allow a considerably better feature set.

Today, virtually every volume brand offers some form of cloud-based telematics or a connected services stack. They can be deeply embedded, and most are fully integrated as the core of modern vehicle connectivity, supporting over-the-air (OTA) updates for the vehicle and app-based services for owners. As GM’s OnStar celebrates more than 30 years of service, a dozen others have joined, with each automaker branding its own unique services. HondaLink, Lexus Enform, FordPass, BMW ConnectedDrive, Volvo On Call, and Porsche Connect are just a few.

Despite their catchy marketing names, the systems are all functionally similar—each offers a very comparable feature set. Basics include remote lock/start, vehicle status and maintenance updates, location and tracking, and emergency assistance. Additional premium features include in-vehicle Wi-Fi hotspots, cabin preconditioning, stolen-vehicle tracking services, and concierge owner services.

A man sits in a BMW and looks at the BMW app on his phone

BMW’s service is called ConnectedDrive.

Credit: BMW

BMW’s service is called ConnectedDrive. Credit: BMW

Consumers have embraced the remote conveniences and demonstrated to automakers that they are more than willing to pay for them. After a bundled “free trial” following new vehicle delivery, manufacturers charge monthly fees or subscriptions for connected services.

Why automakers love a connected car

Of course, the OEMs get something out of it, too. Cloud-based services allow manufacturers to perform OTA software updates, eliminating the need to pay dealers for labor-intensive warranty repairs such as software-related safety recalls, bug fixes, and powertrain calibration errors. Instead of repairing one vehicle at a time, automakers can push updates to thousands of vehicles simultaneously. Plus, they can offer “product improvements” to owners, including UX changes, ADAS refinements, and new software versions for infotainment apps long after the start of production.

Vehicles require unique hardware for OTA and connected services, of course. The basic components of original equipment (OE) hardware in most passenger vehicles include a telematics box (TCU) with a 3G/4G/5G modem, a SIM/eSIM, and antennas—these comprise the “smartphone” component. There’s also a main onboard computer with flash memory and a boot system to install the new hardware (programmed to revert to early code if something goes wrong so the car doesn’t “brick” itself).

The TCU/main computer is tasked with sending signals over the vehicle’s internal wiring (CAN/Ethernet) to various ECUs, which are engineered to accept updates. For everyone’s peace of mind, robust security measures have been put in place to ensure that only genuine factory software can be installed and that hackers are locked out.

Subscription costs aside, consumers are generally pleased with cloud-based services. Connectivity improves convenience, comfort, and safety, while OTA updates keep vehicles feeling fresh and up to date. Unfortunately, that honeymoon phase doesn’t last forever—over time, vehicle-cloud-based connected services are scaled back or, worse, shut off entirely.

The day the signal dies

There is no single event or element that triggers the end—it’s a combination of things. As vehicles age, OE on-board hardware becomes obsolete as cellular providers replace older technology and automakers stop investing in aging back-end stacks and features. Manufacturer contracts for connected services can also expire. Taken together, these factors mean that time ultimately kills cloud-based vehicle services.

In 2022, many US cellular carriers, including AT&T, T‑Mobile/Sprint, and Verizon, shut down their 3G networks to create system capacity for upcoming 4G and 5G rollouts. When the 3G signal finally ceased, vehicles with the technology lost their connected cloud-based services (Porsche, Nissan, and Volkswagen were just a few of the automakers affected).

Lexus owners felt this shift acutely. The company’s Enform connectivity, which relied on the 3G network and was fitted to nearly all 2010–2017 models, went dark overnight because the hardware simply wasn’t forward‑compatible. (Lexus refunded owners for paid time left, while opportunistic dealers suggested that frustrated owners upgrade to a new Lexus that supported current technology.)

A person holds a smartphone in front of a Kia EV6.

Kia Connect.

Credit: Kia

Kia Connect. Credit: Kia

Last year, Acura announced that it would stop supporting vehicles with the older AcuraLink-backed stack and feature set, eliminating app-based remote access, service reminders, lock/unlock capabilities, “Find My Car,” and emergency call functions for many owners. The announcement itself was unremarkable, but many were stunned to learn that the technology was fitted to 2014–2022 models, including cars with current 4G hardware.

Even though the vehicles and their modems could connect, Acura chose to stop supporting the old AcuraLink backend stack and feature set because the company determined it wasn’t worth it. Obsolescence was not an issue. (Acura provided prorated refunds to the relatively small number of customers still on paid plans but offered no retrofit path or migration for those vehicles that lost services.)

In early 2022, BMW ended ConnectedDrive/BMW Assist services for vehicles equipped with 3G telematics. As the end date neared, owners were not permitted to renew their contracts. That February, when the official stop date arrived, all 3G services were terminated, even for those with vehicle connectivity that functioned perfectly. (BMW provided selected owners with other complimentary services; some vehicles with 4G-capable telematics were offered an upgrade at no charge, but many simply lost connectivity altogether.)

Life after the shutdown

When cloud-based connectivity goes away, it’s more of an inconvenience than a disaster. While remote conveniences and safety services end, they don’t serve an important role in the vehicle’s daily mechanical operation, meaning the powertrain, climate control, and accessories continue to work.

But what if you use those cloud-based features and need an alternative once the existing system shuts off? Thankfully, there are a handful of possibilities, including software/OTA updates, hardware/TCU replacements, aftermarket telematics and OBD devices, and smartphone apps to keep vehicles connected to the cloud.

Software/OTA updates are the easiest path to restore cloud services, but that assumes the vehicle has the proper hardware installed. Some 2017–2019 Genesis vehicles, including G80 and G90 models, used an SVLTE-type telematics system that could be upgraded with new software (the pure 3G-only units lost services when Verizon dropped its 3G network). Honda offered many customers free over-the-air software upgrades to 4G LTE in advance of AT&T’s cutoff. And GM brand owners, including those with Buick, Cadillac, Chevrolet, and GMC vehicles, were offered over-the-air software updates that preserved core OnStar services even after the first 3G network ceased.

Things are a bit more complicated with hardware upgrades, as swapping out the physical telematics control unit typically requires a visit to the dealership. Many 2016–2018 Subaru models equipped with the brand’s Starlink Safety & Security required a new 4G network telematics Starlink data communication module (DCM) to keep cloud-based services running (the remedy was offered at no charge to eligible subscribers).

Nissan offered a $199 2G‑to‑3G TCU upgrade, which was partially subsidized by the manufacturer, for many 2011–2014 Leaf models but then offered the same upgrade to 2015 Leaf owners for free. BMW told i3 owners that no official technology upgrade was available, so owners took matters into their own hands and bought up-to-date 4G TCUs and paid to have them coded—this cost upward of $1,400 per vehicle.

A finger presses the SOS button in a Toyota

Not all connected services are smartphone apps.

Credit: Toyota

Not all connected services are smartphone apps. Credit: Toyota

Although less integrated with the vehicle’s systems, aftermarket telematics and diagnostic-port (OBD) solutions offer limited cloud connectivity to fill the gap left by OE services when they’re phased out. Unfortunately, most are engineered for fleet services—creating app-based trip logs, GPS tracking, driving-style scoring, and basic OBD fault-code data for remote monitoring and data logging. They’re effective in this role, but they generally can’t duplicate OEM functions such as remote lock/engine start, automatic crash notification, or SOS features because they sit on the OBD port rather than on the carmaker’s proprietary telematics stack.

When cloud-based connectivity services disappear, those who can’t update via software or hardware (or simply don’t want to pay subscription and fee costs) often adopt a simple handheld solution—they rely on their smartphone. Apple CarPlay and Android Auto have been cleanly integrated into nearly all the OE infotainment systems on the market for the past decade. Consumer acceptance is high, as the interactive screens duplicate smartphone interfaces, keeping the UI effortless. There are also regular OTA updates via the mobile subscribers’ 4G/5G service.

While remote lock/engine start and climate control preconditioning typically aren’t part of the Apple CarPlay and Android Auto equation, most smartphones offer some sort of crash‑detection and SOS functions, reincorporating some of the important safety features lost with OEM cloud-based systems. Mobile phones also offer Wi-Fi via mobile hotspots, adding another useful feature. Phone-driven connectivity, with cloud services routed through CarPlay and Android Auto, has proven both dependable and virtually seamless for some drivers.

A connected future with an expiration date

Cloud-based vehicle connectivity is growing. While only about half of the vehicles on the road today utilize the technology, industry experts predict that 90–95 percent of new vehicles will be Internet‑connected by 2030. Most vehicles, even those on the assembly line today, still rely on embedded modem-based hardware. That means they’ll all eventually face the same obsolescence challenges.

One proposed solution to the problem is modular software-defined architecture at the OE level, allowing consumers to physically swap hardware and upgrade software as technology advances. That welcome advancement would allow owners to upgrade their cloud-based connectivity and services rather than simply go dark.

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