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China’s housing market free-falls as buyers wait for floor prices

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China’s housing market free-falls as buyers wait for floor prices

China’s home prices continued to fall in the first half of 2026 as buyers held back, betting that values would drop farther. With sales volumes and prices both in decline, analysts see little sign of a near-term recovery.

Data released on Wednesday by the China Index Academy showed that secondary-market home prices across 100 major Chinese cities fell 0.42% month-on-month in June, to an average of 12,639 yuan (US$1,750) per square meter. Of those cities, 88 recorded declines while only 12 saw gains.

The secondary market slide was broad-based across city tiers. In June, first-tier city secondary home prices fell 6.95% year-on-year. Second-tier cities fared worse, dropping 8.21% on the year, while smaller third- and fourth-tier cities fell 7.48% year-on-year.

Among the 10 largest cities, Nanjing and Wuhan posted the steepest year-on-year declines in June, with secondary market prices dropping 11.45% and 10.89%, respectively. Beijing, Tianjin, Guangzhou and Chongqing all saw falls of between 8% and 10%. Hangzhou, Shanghai, Chengdu and Shenzhen recorded year-on-year declines of between 5% and 8% in June. Shenzhen performed best among the ten cities, with a 5.27% drop compared with a year earlier.

Chinese commentators widely read the first-half data as confirmation that the downward trend in home prices has yet to run its course, with further declines expected through the remainder of 2026.  

A Henan-based columnist writing under the pen name Qingjin Wenwang describes how the mood among prospective buyers had visibly shifted.

“A friend of mine started looking for a home to buy ahead of marriage in late 2025. Back then, sellers were confident and showed little willingness to negotiate,” he says. “By June 2026, when he returned to the same district to look at similar properties, sellers had largely softened their tone and kept asking him when he could sign a deal.”

The experience left his friend with a growing fear that prices could fall farther even after he commits to a purchase, he says.

Citing figures released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) last month, he outlines four reasons why a genuine recovery remains out of reach:

  • Prices have not stabilized. In May, only 16 of 70 major cities saw new-home prices rise month on month and just 10 recorded secondary-market gains. Third-tier cities saw declines accelerate.
  • Buyers are still retreating. New housing sales fell 10.8% year on year by floor area and 13.5% by value in the first five months of 2026. Many households are deferring purchases indefinitely.
  • Developers are pulling back. Real estate investment dropped 16.2% year-on-year in January-May, new construction starts fell 22.6% and completions declined 23.4%.
  • Secondary market confidence has eroded. Price anchors in many cities have quietly shifted lower – and, once buyer psychology turns cautious, it is slow to reverse.

The NBS said on June 16 that only four of 70 cities recorded a year-on-year increase in new home prices in the first five months of 2026. In the secondary market, no city saw prices rise over the same period, with most cities recording year-on-year declines of between 5% and 8%.

“Since 2021, China’s property market has undergone a dramatic transformation. New home sales peaked at 1.79 billion square meters that year and have fallen every year since, dropping below one billion square meters in 2025,” a Guangdong-based property columnist says in an article published on Wednesday. “In many cities, prices have fallen more than 40% from their peak, and some have dropped more than 50%. Such a steep decline in such a short period is by any measure severe.”

He points to three structural reasons behind the downturn:

  • China’s population entered negative growth in 2022 and has continued to shrink. Experience elsewhere shows population decline is very hard to reverse, and China is likely to remain in negative growth for the foreseeable future.
  • The era of rapid urbanization that once drove explosive housing demand is largely over. Millions of people flocking to cities in the past decades fueled a surge in home prices, but that wave has run its course.
  • Overall housing supply is no longer scarce. After years of construction, China has enough homes overall, except for tight supply in major cities and prime areas.

Back to 2006

In late April, a wave of articles by Chinese commentators drew wide attention online, arguing that four years of declines had pushed home prices back to levels last seen around 2006, once inflation and currency depreciation were stripped out. The articles cited data compiled by the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) and sparked a heated debate on Chinese social media about the true state of the property market.

The Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis used BIS figures to illustrate China’s home prices relative to a 2010 baseline index of 100.

The first chart, tracking nominal residential property prices, showed China’s home price index climbing from 78 in 2006 to a peak of 145.9 in 2021, before sliding back to 114 in the first quarter of 2026.

Nominal residential property prices in China in 2005-2026 Graph: The Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, Bank for International Settlements

The second chart adjusts for inflation and currency depreciation. On that measure, the index rose from 88.5 in 2006 to 113 in 2021, then fell to 85.1 in the first quarter of 2026, putting real home prices below their level two decades ago.

Real residential property prices in China in 2005-2026 Graph: The Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, Bank for International Settlements

The adjustment is analogous to the difference between nominal and real gross domestic product (GDP) growth, where the latter strips out the effects of inflation or deflation to reflect actual economic expansion.

A Jiangsu-based columnist writing under the pen name Duanwei Liwen says the data should not be applied uniformly nationwide.

“Home prices in Beijing, Shanghai and Shenzhen are still absurdly high. I see no sign their home prices have returned to any historical low,” she says. “You cannot use one national figure to explain the situation in every Chinese city.”

She says first-tier cities have proven more resilient, while the far greater pressure is in third- and fourth-tier cities, where prices have fallen back to levels of a decade ago or lower. She adds that the real value of the BIS-based index lies in its role as a warning signal to those who rush into the market, betting on a bottom.

“Over the past few years, many people have already fallen into this trap,” she says. “They see prices pull back and assume the floor has been reached, or they see policy ease slightly and conclude a rebound is coming. Then prices keep falling, and they cannot sell their properties.”

A writer at Sina Finance, a Beijing-based news website, pushes back against the inflation-adjusted framing, arguing that nominal prices are more meaningful for most people, since household incomes and daily expenses are not inflation-adjusted. Based on the BIS nominal home price index, he says, it is undeniable that China’s home prices in 2026 have returned to 2016 levels.

He says any credible prediction of where prices are headed in the coming years must weigh a range of factors, including demographic trends, rental yields, income distribution and the balance between supply and demand.

Read: China’s population falls for fourth year amid economic woes

Follow Jeff Pao on Twitter at @jeffpao3

Israel tightens solitary confinement of jailed Fatah leader Marwan Barghouti, his office says

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Israel tightens solitary confinement of jailed Fatah leader Marwan Barghouti, his office says

Israeli prison authorities have recently tightened the solitary confinement conditions of jailed Palestinian leader Marwan Barghouti at Ganot Prison, where he has been held in isolation since November 2023, his office said Thursday, Anadolu reports.

According to the statement, Barghouti has been held in Israeli prisons since 2002 after years of pursuit, and has spent long periods in solitary confinement alongside other prominent Palestinian prisoners.

His office said Israeli authorities have repeatedly transferred Barghouti between solitary confinement wings in several prisons, describing the measures as “systematic arbitrary practices” against the Fatah leader since the start of Israel’s war on Gaza in October 2023.

The statement added that Israeli prison authorities had further tightened restrictions on his confinement.

According to Palestinian and Israeli rights reports, harsher solitary confinement measures can include isolation from other detainees, repeated transfers between prisons and wings, restrictions on communication with lawyers and family members, and reduced access to medical care and basic necessities.

Anadolu could not independently verify whether all these measures are specifically being applied to Barghouti at Ganot Prison.

Meanwhile, Israel Army Radio reported Tuesday that prison authorities had imposed an additional two weeks of solitary confinement on Barghouti as punishment stemming from a disciplinary measure issued last week.

The broadcaster added that Barghouti’s lawyer filed an appeal with Israeli courts after being unable to meet him in recent weeks, and that the earliest prison authorities offered for a visit was September.

READ: Israel places detained Gaza hospital director Dr Hussam Abu Safiya in solitary confinement

On Feb. 18, Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir raided Barghouti’s prison cell and threatened to kill him, according to video footage circulated by Israeli media.

Barghouti, a member of Fatah’s Central Committee and one of the movement’s most prominent leaders, was arrested by Israel in April 2002 and is serving five life sentences after being convicted of murder and attempted murder. He remains widely popular among Palestinians.

Despite the release of thousands of Palestinian prisoners in exchange deals, most recently under a Gaza ceasefire agreement that took effect last Oct. 10, Israel has refused to release Barghouti and several other high-profile Palestinian detainees.

Violations against Palestinian prisoners have escalated alongside Israel’s war on Gaza since Oct. 2023.​​​​​​​

More than 9,400 Palestinian prisoners, including women and children, are currently held in Israeli prisons, where they face torture, starvation, and medical neglect, according to Palestinian and Israeli rights groups.

READ: Marwan Barghouti subjected to “brutal” assaults in Israeli jail

Plex debuts 5-year membership pass for $250

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Plex debuts 5-year membership pass for $250

When Plex launched in 2012, it sold lifetime access to its media server software for $75. In 2014, Plex raised the price to be more sustainable for the company, it said, and for years, Lifetime Plex Passes cost $120. Even the pricier $250 rate, which Plex offered from March 2025 until yesterday, was a steal compared to what $250 buys you at Plex now: a five-year subscription.

As first spotted by The Desk, Plex yesterday launched the five-year Plex Pass. It comes alongside Lifetime Pass prices increasing to $750 yesterday, a change that Plex announced in May and, in a blog post update this week, said: “reflects the real, ongoing value of the software and our commitment to building, improving, and supporting Plex for years to come.”

The stark change in what $250 can get you at Plex is indicative of the company’s financial goals. Plex hasn’t yet announced profitability and has raised $87.6 million over nine rounds of funding, per CB Insights. The company is looking to squeeze more money out of its users and price its media server business higher.

The higher Lifetime Pass pricing and new five-year pass also appear aimed at pushing users toward subscriptions. More recurring revenue can help Plex extract greater value from its customers over their lifetimes, make cash flow more predictable, please investors, help fund new features, and reduce Plex’s dependence on the fickle advertising market.

In May, Plex said it had “considered eliminating the Lifetime Plex Pass in the past, given that recurring subscriptions help us sustain long-term development.” One can’t help but wonder if this five-year pass could someday be the longest-term pass available to Plex’s media server customers.

The dramatic pricing shift is also an effect of Plex’s evolution from its original media server pitch. Today, Plex also sells licensed movie rentals and operates hundreds of free, ad-supported streaming TV channels. It has been rolling out more social features over the past few years and has been monetizing user data, as Plex CEO Keith Valory told TechCrunch in 2024. Plex even dipped a toe into gaming (and quickly removed it from the competitive waters).

The Silicon Valley-headquartered firm’s newer interests and prohibitively expensive long-term pricing for its legacy media server business illustrate the company that Plex thinks it needs to be to survive and make money. That business isn’t one that favors letting you pay one time to use media server capabilities forever. It’s not necessarily a media server-first business, either.

Ad revenue has been a significant driver of revenue growth for Plex in recent years. In 2023, Plex said that since 2022, more people had used its online streaming service than its media server capabilities. Jason Chapnik, CEO at Intercap, one of Plex’s lead investors, described the type of company Plex is becoming in a 2021 chat with TechCrunch:

Content providers, creators, and consumers are all paying the price for the explosion of so many streaming media services, and the industry needs a trusted way for the experience to be as enjoyable as possible. Plex has always been at the forefront of solving new media challenges, and we believe they are primed to solve this problem—they are the cable company of the future.

Lithuania agrees to remove constitutional ban on nuclear weapons

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Lithuania agrees to remove constitutional ban on nuclear weapons


Lithuania’s President Gitanas Nauseda ‌said on Thursday that parliamentary parties had ​agreed on a ​plan to remove a ⁠constitutional provision prohibiting nuclear ​weapons on Lithuanian ​soil.

“The geopolitical situation is getting worse. Our constitution was ​written when geopolitical ​circumstances were totally different,” he ‌said.

Nauseda ⁠said there were no immediate plans to store nuclear weapons in ​Lithuania, ​but ⁠that removing the provision would ensure ​the country was ​not ⁠constrained if security circumstances changed in the ⁠future.

As the United States turns 250 there is bitter rivalry over who gets to tell the country’s story

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As the United States turns 250 there is bitter rivalry over who gets to tell the country’s story

The 250th anniversary of the US Declaration of Independence has become yet another flashpoint in a politically divided America. There are even two different government organisations overseeing the celebrations.

The United States Semiquincentennial Commission was set up by the US Congress in 2016 as a bipartisan body to oversee the semiquincentennial celebration and signed into law by Barack Obama. They branded the celebration as America250 and set to work to plan the national jamboree.

Freedom 250, meanwhile, was set up by the Trump administration under the supervision of the White House Task Force on Celebrating America’s 250th Birthday. Federal funds were diverted from the congressional commission towards the events planned by the Trump-aligned celebration.

But more important than the squabbles over who owns the celebrations, the boycotts of the Great American State Fair or the controversies surrounding celebratory monuments such as the 250-foot triumphal arch, dubbed by its critics the “Arc de Trump”, are the battles being fought over whose interpretation of history will be presented as the nation looks back over its first 250 years.

The commemorative celebrations are being run through the National Park Service, part of the Department of the Interior. One of its most important monuments, the President’s House memorial in Philadelphia – where the first two presidents, George Washington and John Adams, lived and worked when the city served as America’s capital in the 1790s – has been at the centre of a controversy over competing interpretations of history.

This goes back to the early weeks of Trump’s second term. In March 2025 he issued executive order 14253: Restoring Truth and Sanity to American History. The order requires the Department of the Interior to ensure that the educational materials in its jurisdiction – including the national parks – do not “inappropriately disparage Americans past or living (including persons living in colonial times), and instead focus on the greatness of the achievements and progress of the American people”.

It also ordered the restoration of sites removed or changed since 2020, when Confederate monuments had been removed in response to the Black Lives Matter movement. Finally, it charged vice president J.D. Vance with implementing the same policies at the Smithsonian Museum.

In November 2025 an administration official, Jeffrey Anderson, published an essay alleging that “woke orthodoxy” had hijacked America’s story. This was circulated to members of the Trump administration. The President’s House, he wrote, focused too much on the evils of slavery. There was not enough information about the achievements of the men who lived and worked there.

Working under the Secretary of State for the Interior’s order implementing the president’s executive order, the national park service began the removal of historical panels in places of national significance early in 2026. This included the President’s House memorial in Philadelphia.

Washington had infamously brought his slaves with him to the house and had moved them every six months to avoid Pennsylvania’s emancipation laws. The President’s House exhibit had told this story, something that Anderson’s essay had particularly objected to. This and other explanations of US history deemed to “inappropriately disparage Americans past” were removed.

Legal battle

The City of Philadelphia, which had been instrumental in the development of the President’s House site, took the administration to court over the decision. The administration’s lawyers argued that: “Ultimately, the government gets to choose the message it wants to convey.”

Stock photograph with a replica of the Declaration of Independence with a quill and a candle.

What the fuss is about: America is celebrating the 250th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence. Dan Thornberg/Shutterstock

Presiding judge, Cynthia M. Rufe, disagreed. In a decision comparing the administration’s actions to the Ministry of Truth in George Orwell’s novel 1984, Rufe held that the US government does not have the power to “dissemble and disassemble historical truths when it has some domain over historical facts”. She ordered the removals stopped and anything removed under the order to be replaced.

On June 18, her decision was unanimously overturned by the Third Circuit Court of Appeals. In a decision written by prominent conservative judge, Thomas M. Hardiman, the court held that the city had no “statutory, property, or contractual rights that empower it to curate the exhibits in the President’s House”. His judgment praised the historical context provided by the replacement panels.

Activists and government officials disagree with Judge Hardiman, and so do Philadelphia’s tour guides. At the open-air site, volunteers share copies and read aloud from the removed intepretative panels.

The legal battle to oppose Trump’s executive order is not over. A coalition of interest groups sued the Department of the Interior, challenging the lawfulness of the removal of hundreds of exhibits and markers across the US, including the President’s House.

Less than a week before Philadelphia lost on appeal, federal judge Angel Kelley found that the government was seeking “to rewrite the Nation’s history with a white-out pen”. She ordered the government to stop removing the signs, exhibits and artefacts and return those that had already had been removed by July 3. In her view, the government had rushed to remove the items in time for July 4 and “it is equally important that our shared history be honestly told and fully restored by the 250th Anniversary”.

That order has now been paused by the First Circuit Court of Appeals until the full case can be heard. But the First Circuit is not bound by the decision in the Philadelphia case and is dominated by Democratic appointees. Split decisions by the federal circuit courts can lead the US Supreme Court to take up a case on appeal. Ultimately it might fall to America’s top court to decide whether the order to remove and replace exhibits is lawful.

The executive order states that museums “should be places where individuals go to learn – not to be subjected to ideological indoctrination or divisive narratives that distort our shared history”. Many critics believe that is exactly what the executive order does.

Now – as with so many of the contested decisions taken during the second Trump administration – it will be down to the courts. At stake, as the US prepares to commemorate and celebrate its 250th anniversary, is the nature of America’s story about itself.

Newly discovered PamStealer isn’t your typical macOS malware

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Newly discovered PamStealer isn’t your typical macOS malware

Researchers have found a never-before-seen piece of macOS malware that combines a series of clever tradecraft to infect Macs with stealthy, custom-developed credential-stealing code.

The malware is delivered in two stages. The first is distributed in a disk image that masquerades as Maccy, a clipboard manager for Macs. It’s compiled as AppleScript that is notable for the way it delivers the second stage. The malware is named PamStealer because the Rust-written infostealer uses the Pluggable Authentication Modules interface built into macOS to validate the target’s login password before sending it to an attacker-controlled server.

A quieter execution chain

The use of both disk image and AppleScript is common in malware for Macs. More unusual is the way PamStealer combines them to gain stealth. When the AppleScript is double-clicked, it’s opened in the macOS Script Editor, where the malicious functionality is buried deep within the file.

“Rather than relying on shell commands such as curl or zsh, the AppleScript executes a self-contained JavaScript for Automation (JXA) downloader that retrieves and stages the payload using native Objective-C APIs,” researchers from Jamf, a security firm for macOS users, wrote. “Combined with a Rust-based second stage and a password capture workflow that validates credentials locally through PAM, the result is a quieter execution chain than we typically observe in commodity macOS stealers.”

When a user, expecting to install a trustworthy clipboard manager, encounters the disk image, they’re prompted to press Command-R immediately after double-clicking it. This command executes malicious code inside the AppleScript directly. It also allows the execution to bypass com.apple.quarantine, a macOS attribute that provides warnings and restrictions when executable files have been downloaded from the Internet.

As Jamf explained:

PamStealer combines a recently emerging delivery surface with a less familiar payload. While the clickable .scpt and Script Editor lure build on tradecraft that is already gaining adoption across the macOS threat landscape, the malware distinguishes itself through a self-contained JXA dropper, a Rust-based second stage, and a password capture workflow that validates credentials locally through PAM before harvesting them. That second stage puts considerable effort into staying hidden, masquerading as Finder, encrypting its command-and-control traffic, and holding back prompts like the Full Disk Access request for as long as forty minutes so its activity does not line up with launch. Together, these behaviors illustrate how commodity macOS stealers continue to evolve, adopting quieter execution chains and native implementations that reduce traditional detection opportunities while remaining compatible with standard macOS features.

The first stage puts its payload inside an app bundle that impersonates real components built into macOS. The component changes from sample to sample of the malware. Finder.app under com.apple.finder.core or com.apple.finder.monitor, and a Software Update.app under com.apple.security.daemon, are two examples. In either case, they run hidden. They also display macOS’s genuine Finder.icns as its icon.

The second stage is a lean Mach-O file written for Macs running on Apple CPUs. The attacker’s choice to write it in Rust is relatively uncommon for macOS infostealers. More common are languages such as Swift, Go, and Objective-C. This binary calls the read interface of a bundled SQLite app. This allows the infostealer to read database files directly.

PamStealer shows a native password prompt designed to resemble a system authorization request. Text that appears with the prompt says: “Maccy wants to make changes. Enter your password to allow this.” As noted earlier, once a target complies, the malware validates it locally through the PAM API.

“This check is done entirely through PAM: there is no call out to dscl, security, osascript or any spawned process to verify the password, as many commodity macOS stealers do,” Jamf said. “The result is a quieter routine that keeps only a verified password, and one fewer process chain for defenders to detect on.”

If the validation fails, PamStealer displays the prompts again until it receives the correct one. Once the target enters the correct password, PamStealer displays a message stating that the file is damaged and can’t be installed. This is designed to be a decoy to prevent the target from suspecting anything is amiss.

The malware uses tactics to maximize the information it can steal. One tactic is to request the target grant full disk access to the fake Maccy app. It also contains code designed to access ethereum accounts.

The various techniques—particularly the Script Editor lure, a self-contained JXA dropper, a Rust-based second stage, and local validation of credentials through PAM are all noteworthy.

“Together, these behaviors illustrate how commodity macOS stealers continue to evolve, adopting quieter execution chains and native implementations that reduce traditional detection opportunities while remaining compatible with standard macOS features,” Jamf said.

Tragic New Details Emerge About TV Star’s Death

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Tragic New Details Emerge About TV Star’s Death


New details have emerged about the heartbreaking death of The Wire actor James Ransone after authorities released his medical examiner’s report.

Ransone, who became a fan favorite for his unforgettable performance as Ziggy Sobotka on the acclaimed HBO crime drama, died by suicide on December 25, 2025. He was 46 years old.

According to the newly released report, the actor had a documented history of mental health struggles and suicidal thoughts before his death.

Investigators reportedly discovered several prescription medications at the scene, including bottles labeled diazepam, hydroxyzine and trazodone.

However, authorities said there was no drug paraphernalia and no suicide note or final message was found.

The report’s description of the scene noted that the medications were clearly labeled and appeared to have been legally prescribed.

Despite their presence, toxicology testing found no evidence that Ransone had alcohol or the medications in his system at the time of his death.

A preliminary screening initially returned what officials described as a “presumptive positive” result for benzodiazepines, commonly known as benzos.

However, a more detailed follow-up test found that the drug was not detected.

Ransone was also tested for cocaine, fentanyl, methamphetamine, MDMA and several other substances. All of those results came back negative.

Testing also found no codeine, morphine, hydrocodone, hydromorphone or alcohol in his blood.

The results appear to rule out drugs or alcohol as contributing factors in the actor’s death.

The medical examiner’s report included information provided by police and Ransone’s brother, who was listed as a witness in the case.

According to his brother, Ransone had previously experienced suicidal thoughts but had never attempted to take his own life.

His brother also told authorities that the actor had recently said he believed he needed to go to a hospital to receive treatment for unspecified mental health problems.

The revelation paints a heartbreaking picture of a beloved actor who may have recognized that he needed help shortly before his death.

Ransone was best known for playing Chester “Ziggy” Sobotka during the second season of HBO’s The Wire in 2003.

The troubled and unpredictable character was the son of union leader Frank Sobotka, played by Chris Bauer. Although Ransone appeared in only 12 episodes, his emotional performance left a lasting impression on viewers.

He later appeared in several major television productions, including HBO’s Generation Kill and Treme, Amazon’s Bosch and Peacock’s Poker Face.

His final television role aired in June 2025 during the second season of Poker Face.

Following his death, Ransone’s wife, Jamie McPhee, shared a fundraiser supporting the National Alliance on Mental Illness.

Years before his death, Ransone publicly revealed that he had survived sexual abuse as a child.

In 2021, he accused a former tutor of repeatedly abusing him over a six-month period in 1992, when Ransone was just 12 years old and living in Phoenix, Maryland.

The actor said the alleged abuse left him with years of shame and contributed to his struggles with alcoholism and heroin addiction.

Ransone later became sober in 2006 and said he eventually felt ready to confront what had happened to him.

He reported the allegations to Baltimore County police in March 2020, though prosecutors ultimately declined to file charges.

Ransone’s death shocked fans and fellow performers who remembered him as a fearless actor capable of bringing deeply troubled and complicated characters to life.

He is survived by his wife and loved ones.

Anyone in the United States experiencing a mental health crisis or thoughts of suicide can call or text 988 to reach the Suicide & Crisis Lifeline.

Kazakh mine deal latest manifestation of Trump enrichment syndrome

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Kazakh mine deal latest manifestation of Trump enrichment syndrome

The Trump administration concluded a recent mineral deal with Kazakhstan that, not surprisingly, enriches not only Trump’s own family but that of his secretary of commerce, Howard Lutnick. Trump’s two eldest sons, part owners of Dominari Securities, are set to profit from the Kazakh tungsten deal. So is Cantor Fitzgerald, the investment firm run by Lutnick’s two sons.

As the New York Times pointed out in its investigation of the scheme, “Their sons were soon doing business with partners in a deal that their fathers were negotiating, continuing a pattern of self-enrichment in the second Trump administration that has few precedents in American history.”

The phrases “self-enrichment” and “few precedents” are interesting ways of characterizing this latest instance of the administration’s corruption. Isn’t self-enrichment a good thing, in the sense of profiting from your own hard work?

By contrast, the article doesn’t mention the word “corruption” at all. Perhaps the Times is worried about getting hit by yet another Trump legal challenge. (In October last year, Trump refiled a $15 billion defamation suit against the paper for its coverage of his 2024 presidential campaign.)

There are indeed several precedents in American history for what Trump is doing. These previous corruption scandals – Credit Mobilier, Whiskey Ring, Teapot Dome – wrecked the reputations of presidents and cast long shadows over American politics. They also helped to produce the kind of safeguards that Trump is now destroying.

As with much of Trump’s disrespect for norms, his corruption has been massive and largely in full view. The two outstanding questions are: will Trump and company ever be held accountable for their graft and will this corruption have an enduring impact on political institutions in the United States?

Tracking the damage

If scandalous behavior unfolds in full view of everyone, is it still a scandal? “Scandal” suggests something hidden, something whispered about, something revealed. Trump’s actions are full-frontal. They are both brazen and matter-of-fact.

According to the Trump administration and its extended family, the money skimmed off the top of economic transactions is just smart politics. The administration has endeavored to negotiate every peace deal, trade agreement, investment arrangement, and mineral pact in such a way as to deliver Trump, his family, and their circle of close supporters a good chunk of change.

This is Trump’s interpretation of the American dream: Folks would be downright foolish not to profit from their position. All the great tycoons made their money, from railroads to AI, by being in the right place at the right time with the right amount of ruthlessness.

In Trump’s case, however, he is using taxpayer money to cover the risk. And most of the time, given the terms of the arrangement, there is hardly any risk because Trump is using his presidential power to game the system. That’s what he really means by the “art of the deal.” Trump only deals from a marked deck of cards.

The graft is not secret, though sometimes the actual amounts involved are obscured by layers of complex finance. Trump’s recent mandatory financial disclosure offers some details. But thanks to a number of websites, it’s become quite easy to track in real time the growing amount of Trump’s slice of the pie.

The Center for American Progress runs Trump’s Take, which estimates that the president has received a little over $2.6 billion in cash and gifts since he took office in January 2025. Much of this money has come from various crypto schemes, including the Trump meme coin, but also such dubious ventures as the documentary about Melania Trump and a number of legal settlements (more colloquially known as shakedowns).

Corruption Counter puts the value at $2.2 billion and includes such recent items as the $100 million savings for Trump from the recent effort to bar the IRS from auditing the president. (Courts blocked the overall $1.8 billion “settlement fund,” but the Justice Department is upholding the IRS amnesty.)

If you want to keep track just of the crypto deals, the Democrats on the House Oversight Committee maintain the Trump Family Digital Grift Wealth Tracker.

Senator Chris Murphy (D-CT) keeps his own list, which highlights the insider trading around the Iran War and a defense contract with Dell after the president invested in the company.

David Kirkpatrick, at The New Yorker, has been keeping a running total of Trump’s ballooning assets. In January, he updated his total to $4 billion, which details, among other things, the Gulf money flowing into Trump pockets.

Meanwhile, at RepresentUS, you can find a timeline of shady deals, from the no-bid contract to a presidential supporter for the Reflecting Pool “upgrade” to an Air Force contract for drones awarded to a company backed by Trump’s eldest sons.

In May, Campaign Legal Center published a rundown of influence peddling – what Trump supporters get in return for their contributions – that includes Elon Musk’s DOGE appointment, ICE contracts for the Trump-supporting GEO Group and the cessation of various lawsuits for Trump-friendly entities (Gemini, Robinhood, Coinbase).

Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington has its own tracker that keeps up with the number of major events held at Trump’s properties and the number of Trump-branded foreign projects developed during his second term. (With a new Trump Tower planned for Tbilisi, Georgia, it’s now up to 25.)

Sometimes it seems as though Trump administration policy is just a front for making money, much as a shell company provides a legitimate façade for organized crime.

Getting his percentage

One of the sticking points in the current war with Iran is the latter’s attempt to control shipping in and out of the Strait of Hormuz. Tehran wants to charge a toll on ships passing through the Strait. Given that the strait is an international waterway – and not a canal – Iran’s bid violates international law.

Trump has opposed Iran’s gambit not so much because it violates the Law of the Seas but because Iran has borrowed a page from the Trump playbook. How dare they try to trump Trump?! Indeed, the president has threatened a toll of his own if the ceasefire doesn’t hold: a take of 20 percent of regional revenues if the United States becomes “the guardian of the Middle East” by using military force to protect shipping in the region.

Foreign policy is a tool by which the administration levies a toll on any entity that has the temerity to be a country other than the United States. The Kazakh deal on tungsten is but one of several ways that the administration has cashed in on critical minerals.

The Trump sons have a financial interest in 14 companies working with the U.S. government on mineral deals that involve nearly $9 billion in federal funding. This includes $620 million Pentagon loan, fast-tracked by the White House, to a North Carolina rare-earth magnet company in which Donald Trump Jr.’s venture capital firm has invested. Several Trump associates stand to gain from any future deal involving Greenland minerals.

Trump has used tariffs to extract various concessions. In some cases, countries have responded by appealing to Trump’s self-interest. Vietnam, for instance, approved a Trump golf course and received a tariff reduction. Switzerland also enjoyed such treatment when it gifted Trump “a special Rolex desktop clock, a 1-kilogram personalized gold bar and loads of flattery.” The message is clear: US trade policy is for sale.

Even peace agreements are not immune from the Trump treatment. The Gaza peace deal offers potentially lucrative opportunities for outside businesses to profit from the reconstruction of the rubble-strewn area. “Everybody and their brother is trying to get a piece of this,” one long-time contractor told The Guardian. “People are treating this like another Iraq or Afghanistan. And they’re trying to get, you know, rich off of it.”

The executive board of Trump’s Board of Peace is dominated by titans of industry – Marc Rowan, Steve Witkoff, Jared Kushner – all salivating at the prospect of using their insider position to profit – although, with progress stalled on the ground, the Board of Peace may end up doing corruption the old-fashioned way by just siphoning off the money up front and granting itself legal immunity to escape the consequences.

The deal that created a “Trump corridor” between Armenia and Azerbaijan was similarly projected to provide commercial opportunities to Trump cronies. But it has yet to get off the ground, another victim of Trump’s propensity to make a big splash with his agreements and neglect to secure the follow-through.

Trump’s peace deal with Russia, negotiated on the backs of the Ukrainians, would have also meant a huge windfall for Trump cronies—in opportunities for reconstruction contracts in Ukraine and even larger profits for the commercial reengagement with Russia.

Writing in The Atlantic several months after Trump took office, David Frum summed up the corrupt activities of the administration this way:

Nothing like this has been attempted or even imagined in the history of the American presidency. Throw away the history books; discard feeble comparisons to scandals of the past. There is no analogy with any previous action by any past president. The brazenness of the self-enrichment resembles nothing seen in any earlier White House. This is American corruption on the scale of a post-Soviet republic or a postcolonial African dictatorship.

Frum served in the George W. Bush White House. A NeverTrumper, he nevertheless knows a little something about corrupt conservatives. Upward of $20 billion of post-war reconstruction aid for Iraq disappeared into the ether of corruption (and the pockets of US firms, including Halliburton). Trump stands on the shoulders of giants.

Immunity and impact

Donald Trump knows that he is a living, breathing violation of the law. That’s why he has gone to such lengths to ensure immunity – the Supreme Court decision providing presidents with immunity from criminal prosecution for their official acts, the attempt to secure exemption from IRS audits. Trump has also promised to pardon preemptively “everyone who has come within 200 feet of the Oval Office.”

Let’s tackle Trump first. His immunity is not absolute. First, it does not cover “unofficial acts.” Depending on how courts define this category, Trump (and certainly his family) could be prosecuted for corrupt business dealings that are deemed “private.” Second, immunity doesn’t apply if it can be demonstrated that criminal prosecution poses no “dangers of intrusion on the authority and functions of the Executive Branch.” That’s another tough one to parse, and it will probably fall to future courts to define. But if something is demonstrably corrupt, then it should by definition fall outside the legitimate authority and functions of the Executive Branch.

Trump has already used his broad powers to pardon the January 6 rioters and other malefactors, including 22 corrupt politicians. Trump cronies must look at this record and feel pretty safe from future prosecution.

But presidential pardons also have their limits. Such pardons can’t violate the Constitution or criminal law – though Trump has challenged these strictures – and they don’t cover future crimes. More to the point, Trump’s pardons only apply to federal prosecution. Individuals can still be tried in various states (and overseas if their misconduct took place in other countries).

The impact of Trump’s misconduct is directly related to this question of immunity. If the president and his coterie “get away with it,” then the corruption they initiated will be much harder to root out of political institutions. Unprosecuted acts can harden into precedents.

Throwing Trump and company into prison would be satisfying. Ditto clawing back their ill-gotten gains. From the point of view of democracy, however, even a plea bargain in which the malefactors stay out of jail and pay a nominal penalty in exchange for pleading guilty would be a victory.

It’s best to think of Trump as an aberration, however much his behavior can be traced to past scandals, the authoritarian tendencies of previous presidents and the oft-corrupt workings of American capitalism.

Democracy, like any fiction, requires the willing suspension of disbelief. Trump’s truly an unbelievable character. Once he’s gone, it will be time to pretend that the monster has been vanquished and the rule of law restored. Only in this way will America escape its semiquincentennial with its clothing muddied but its presumably good intentions intact.

John Feffer, an author of many books, is the director of Foreign Policy in Focus. FPIF originally published this article, which is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

People are willing to pay more for climate-proof wine, study shows

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People are willing to pay more for climate-proof wine, study shows

What’s a winemaker to do on a warming planet? Much has been written about how climate change threatens viticulture around the globe — or at least, threatens to fundamentally change the practice. A long-lasting drought in Chile is forcing winemakers to rethink irrigation systems. Vintners in California must not only endure wildfires but also the smoke that comes with them and lingers, which can alter the taste of their grapes. Severe frosts in the Champagne region of France are also altering the acidity and flavor profile of vineyards’ grapes, although some growers are starting to lean into that

A new study out of Cornell University looks at three techniques that winegrape producers can use to adapt to warmer temperatures, ranging from relatively simple and inexpensive to potentially existential: Install shade cloth to shield precious grapes from the harsh effects of the sun; grow new varieties of grapes better adapted to the heat; or relocate to cooler climates. The researchers found that, for all three cases, when these changes are communicated to shoppers, consumers are willing to pay a premium for these climate-resilient wines — even if it means some of the name-brand recognition of, say, California’s Napa Valley is lost in the process. 

The idea behind the market study was both to help growers understand the climate adaptation strategies available to them, the costs associated with these decisions, and then finally, how consumers perceive them. 

“A producer can make all the changes in the world — but if they don’t resonate well with consumers, then it’s moot,” said Alex Susskind, one of the study’s co-authors and a professor of food and beverage management at Cornell University’s school of hotel administration. 

The challenge with the three strategies identified by the researchers — invest in new infrastructure, invest in new grapes, or get up and move — is that only two of them might be immediately obvious to consumers. If a vineyard in California installs shade cloths throughout its estate to protect grapes from sunburn, most shoppers would have no idea, unless it was somehow explicitly stated on the finished product, like on the wine label. 

On the other hand, if a producer in Napa Valley known for cultivating Cabernet Sauvignon grapes switched to its focus to Carignane grapes — or if that same grower relocated to Lake County, just an hour or two north — consumers would likely notice. In the third option, for example, those grapes don’t end up producing a bottle of “Napa Valley Cabernet anymore, that’s a Lake County Cabernet,” said Susskind. 

In other words, the touchpoints that guide many consumers’ choices — what winemaking region a bottle is from, what grape variety they use — change. Of all the options available to winegrape producers, Susskind said, relocating showed the “least desirability” among survey participants, meaning they were least willing to pay more for these wines. But crucially, respondents still said they would pay extra for wines made from these grapes. 

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There are limits to the study. For one, it only considers adaptation strategies for winegrape growers and doesn’t explore climate mitigation strategies, which would help growers to decarbonize production and have an overall lighter impact on the climate. Additionally, only 300 participants answered the survey, most of them college graduates under 40 years of age. Included in the survey respondents were people who reported to “care about environmental issues and read labels on food products,” according to the study — two things not everyone does, or does every time they go shopping. And the researchers acknowledged that there may be a novelty factor at play here — over time, wine-drinkers’ willingness to pay more for these bottles may fade. 

Still, people in the industry feel that the results are promising. “This is genuinely valuable work,” said Jimena Balic, a winemaking researcher based in Chile. “The economics of climate adaptation in wine are badly under-documented, and putting real numbers to ‘go, stay, or change’ plus the finding that consumers will pay a premium for adaptation, is exactly the kind of evidence growers need.”

Balic believes that winegrowers are not likely to invest in any adaptation strategies unless they are likely to pay off. She added that for winegrape producers, adaptation is more likely to be implemented in a more piecemeal way rather than wholesale. Maybe producers plant different varieties of grapes in one part of their land and install shade cloth in another to maximize output. And heat isn’t the only climate threat facing vineyards: While some regions may face drought, others might see unpredictable rainfall, as well as hail, frost, and pests. “Wine risk is multifactorial,” said Balic, “and each hazard carries its own cost and its own adaptation choices.” She would like to see further research expand on these challenges. 

Similarly, the results of the study didn’t surprise Greg Jones, a wine climatologist and CEO of a winery based in Oregon. “But there’s so many other caveats,” he added. From his point of view, much depends on educating the consumer around the viticultural process and how wine gets made — and then doing more education around how climate change is affecting growers. Whether consumers can perfectly hold all of those things in their mind is something the industry is still figuring out. 

“We have a system where the consumer is hard to read,” he said. 

Jones, who has spent the last 25 years studying the impacts of a changing climate on winegrape production, among other things, said he felt encouraged by the Cornell team’s research. “The research says something important, people would be willing to pay more for [these wines],” he added. He hopes it will lead to further studies on adaptation and consumer preference. 


Canadian Jews Weigh Leaving as Antisemitism Fuels Search for Safer Homes

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Canadian Jews Weigh Leaving as Antisemitism Fuels Search for Safer Homes


Rising threats and hate incidents are driving some Jewish Canadians to explore relocation options in Panama, the US, and Israel

Jewish organizations in Canada say rising antisemitism is pushing some members of the community to consider leaving the country, with groups arranging exploratory trips to Panama and Tulsa, Oklahoma, for Jews who no longer feel safe at home.

The Toronto-based Tafsik Organization, a Jewish civil rights group, told The Media Line it is organizing a trip to Panama this month for people interested in relocation, after two earlier trips drew dozens of participants. The US-based organization Tulsa Tomorrow said more than 1,500 Canadians have expressed interest this year in its trips to Tulsa, where antisemitism is often cited as a reason for considering a move.

Tulsa Tomorrow said about 85 Canadians are expected to visit this year, with participation in its twice-yearly trips capped at 100 people. In previous years, the trips drew no more than 10 Canadians, and the organization said it has helped three Canadian families relocate since 2022.

Michael Sachs left Canada with his family last July after facing security threats while serving as the director of the Friends of Simon Wiesenthal Centre for Western Canada in Vancouver.

Sachs said the threats were serious enough that he received police security assistance, and that protesters once told his children their parents were killers. He said his wife, who normally tucked away her Star of David, made it visible when they first visited Tulsa with Tulsa Tomorrow.

As a Jew, I feel that Tulsa has been a relief of stress for us as a Jewish family

“As a Jew, I feel that Tulsa has been a relief of stress for us as a Jewish family,” he said.

Rivka Campbell, executive director of Beth Tikvah Synagogue in Toronto, said more community members have been considering immigration to Israel or moves to places they view as safer, including the US or Panama. She said some older Jews who spend winters in warmer parts of the US say they feel safer there.

We hear about how different it is. It’s almost like they can breathe when they leave Toronto.

“We hear about how different it is. It’s almost like they can breathe when they leave Toronto,” she told The Media Line.

The relocation discussions come as Canadian Jewish organizations report a sharp rise in antisemitic incidents since the October 7, 2023, Hamas-led attacks in Israel and the war in Gaza that followed.

B’nai Brith Canada said it documented 6,800 antisemitic incidents in 2025, the highest figure since it began issuing annual reports in 1982. Prime Minister Mark Carney said in a speech last month that more than two-thirds of religion-motivated hate crimes in Canada last year targeted Jewish Canadians, who make up about 1% of the population.

In May, three “visibly identifiable” members of the Jewish community standing outside a Toronto synagogue were shot at with an imitation firearm, according to police. After an arrest in the case, acting Deputy Chief Joe Matthews of the Toronto police said, “We recognize that Jewish residents have been living with a heightened sense of fear due to repeated incidents targeting their community, and this only adds to that, which is unacceptable.”

Campbell said the tone of antisemitism has become more “in your face,” while reporting of hate crimes has also increased. She said laws are already in place to deal with hate crimes but are not being enforced properly.

“I know there’s this feeling, ‘Well, if we arrest them, they’ll probably get off.’ So what? So what? Arrest them anyway,” she said. “Send a message that we don’t tolerate hate in any form.”

Conservative Deputy Leader Melissa Lantsman told The Media Line that elected leaders have failed to enforce existing laws, contributing to the rise in antisemitism.

Nobody should have to ask their government to enforce a law, because that’s the government’s job—but that’s where we’re at today

“Nobody should have to ask their government to enforce a law, because that’s the government’s job—but that’s where we’re at today. The fact that this is even controversial shows you just how much work we have to do to restore normalcy here in Canada,” said Lantsman, who is also a member of parliament.

A federal law taking effect in July will make it a criminal offense to intimidate or obstruct people seeking to access places of worship, schools, and community centers used by identifiable groups.

“These measures are intended to address gaps in law enforcement and send a clear and consistent signal that hate will not be tolerated,” Public Safety Canada wrote in an email to The Media Line.

Carney last month launched the Ministerial Advisory Council on Rights, Equality and Inclusion, saying it would assess antisemitism in Canada and help create a “whole-of-government approach” to addressing it.

Kim Werker, president of the Reform Jewish Community of Canada, told The Media Line that most of the antisemitic conversations she has seen have been online, but that she has become more conscious of possible backlash for being Jewish.

“There are times I have tucked my Star of David into my shirt,” she said.

Werker said both younger and older members of the Jewish community have reported seeing more antisemitism, with some teenagers hearing antisemitic language used more casually. She said Jewish students have felt physically unsafe on some university campuses in recent years, and that antisemitism has become more normalized.

“What I’m seeing more are comments that indicate that people in our Canadian society do not see Jews as worthy of the same kinds of compassion and support as anyone else in Canada,” she said.

Amir Epstein of the Tafsik Organization told The Media Line he knows dozens of people who have left Canada because of antisemitism in recent years, and many more who are preparing to do so.

“This is where we’ve come down to in our community, that people are really seriously looking to leave,” he stated.

Epstein said he has faced claims that he is part of the Mossad and has received constant death threats. He said inquiries from older community members about leaving Canada became frequent enough that Tafsik created Plan B, a Panama trip held in February and March for participants ranging in age from 40 to 70.

“We’re always getting emails from people saying, ‘Where do we go? What do we do?’ So, people are very seriously looking to leave,” he said.

Epstein said older members of the Jewish community have been more active in exploring relocation, while Jews under 40 appear less likely to consider leaving or to take part in protests. He said many people view Panama as a safe destination for Jewish families and see permanent residency there as relatively easy to obtain.

When he asks attendees at Tafsik events whether they are considering leaving Canada, Epstein said roughly two-thirds of the 700 to 1,500 people present typically raise their hands.

Epstein said Tulsa is not realistic for many families, partly because of the difficulty and cost of immigrating to the United States. He said Orthodox Jews may be more likely to consider Israel, while more secular Jews may be deterred by the cost of living there or by not speaking Hebrew.

Campbell said the sense of vulnerability has deepened because hate crimes are not being addressed forcefully enough. She said she has felt less safe over the past two years and is constantly worried about the risk of a lone attacker.

“Of course, we feel physically vulnerable, 100%. And some will say, yeah, today may be OK, but there’s this underlying feeling of it’s a matter of time,” she said.

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