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A good little EV you won’t be able to buy soon: The Volvo EX30 Cross Country

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A good little EV you won’t be able to buy soon: The Volvo EX30 Cross Country

Did you know the average new vehicle in the US grew an inch (25 mm) wider and 22 inches (558 mm) longer between 2013 and 2023? That’s probably obvious to anyone who steps foot outside these days, and it’s a trend that we ought to reverse. Bigger cars might make their occupants feel more secure, but they invariably need more energy to get where they’re going. And with f=ma being what it is, bigger vehicles tend to leave a lasting and deleterious effect on anything unlucky enough to be the other party in a collision. That makes today’s tale a rather bittersweet one, because the Volvo EX30 could be the perfect antidote.

It’s a compact and efficient electric crossover with a tiny carbon footprint but no compromises on safety, and it would be perfect for the current moment, except that Volvo recently decided to stop importing the car to the US. With the order books now closed, once the ~1,200-odd cars left in inventory are gone, they’re gone.

After teasing us for a while, Volvo finally showed off the EX30 for real in 2023. At the time, the headline news was its price: $34,950 for the rear-wheel drive version before any tax credit. That would have made it one of the cheaper EVs available for sale in the US, but with Volvo’s premium badge attached. That was before geopolitics got involved.

Volvo EX30 in profile.

By anyone’s standards this is a compact EV.

Volvo EX30 from the rear 3/4 angle

Its small size makes it simple to live with.

Its diminutive purchase price was predicated on being cheap to manufacture in Zhangjiakou, China. However, heavy tariffs on Chinese-made cars were levied by the Biden administration in 2024, then by the Trump administration the following year, causing Volvo to delay imports while it instead shifted production of US-destined cars to its factory in Ghent, Belgium.

However, European-made cars are still subject to a 25 percent tariff, which jacked up the starting price of the EX30 to $40,345 (including destination charge) for the rear-wheel drive version, or $46,345 for the twin-motor all-wheel drive version.

Our test car is the EX30 Cross Country, which takes the all-wheel-drive EX30 and adds more ground clearance and some cladding and underbody protection that’s just as useful in a crumbling urban environment or tight Trader Joe’s parking garage as it is on an unpaved forest road. However, this pushes the starting price to nearly $50,000. That might be about the current average new transaction price, but it’s a lot to ask Americans to pay for a compact SUV, particularly an electric one with just 227 miles (365 km) of range.

A Volvo EX30 cross country charging

Charging was trouble-free.

Charging was trouble-free. Credit: Jonathan Gitlin

Plenty of zip

The twin-motor powertrain certainly provides the EX30 Cross Country with plenty of pep: 422 hp (315 kW) and 400 lb-ft (542 Nm) from a pair of identical motors at the front and rear axles. That’s sufficient for a 0–62 mph (0–100 km/h) in just 3.7 seconds, although the 18-inch all-terrain wheel kit (a $3,495 option) fitted to our test car may have made that a little slower. Indeed, I left this little EV in Range mode for most of my week, which both reduces overall motor power and gives you a gentler throttle map, blunting acceleration somewhat.

The motors are powered by a 65 kWh (net; 69 kWh gross) lithium-ion battery pack, which can DC fast-charge at up to 153 kW and should take a little less than 27 minutes to go from 10 to 80 percent state of charge. Although Volvo announced in 2023 that it would adopt the NACS plug by 2025 for US-market EVs, this didn’t happen for the EX30, which still features a CCS1 socket. In practice, it took me 21 minutes to charge from 49 to 82 percent (25.6 kWh). At that state of charge, the car reported an estimated 152 miles (245 km) of range, with the air conditioning running at an appropriate level for the humid mid-Atlantic summer.

As part of Volvo’s low-cost design, the EX30 makes do with a buttonless interior. There’s no separate main instrument display either; the top section of the central infotainment screen shows a persistent speed and drive mode display instead. The user experience is much like in other Volvos with heavy Android Automotive OS integration, although Android Auto and Apple CarPlay are present, so you can just cast your phone instead.

Volvo EX30 Cross Country rear seat

We’ve seen bigger back seats, but this is supposed to be a small car.

Volvo EX30 cross country cargo area

The cargo area.

Despite the minimalism and lack of physical controls, the EX30 interior isn’t a bad place to be—Volvo’s interior designers tend to understand the assignment well, and the textures and materials are pleasant to the touch. I was rather impressed with the storage built into the center console. The upper storage tray retracts into its housing, with the cup holder elements moving separately so you can use it for beverages or just storage, and the lower level has a hinged floor so you can stow loose items or cables for the USB-C ports that you’ll find here.

This is a small car: 166.7 inches (4,233 mm) long, 72.3 inches (1,838 mm) wide, and 62 inches (1,573 mm) tall, but the 104.3-inch (2,650 mm) wheelbase maximizes the interior space with minimal front and rear overhangs. That said, it’s not a TARDIS, with just 32.3 inches (821 mm) of rear leg room, and just 11.2 cubic feet (318 L) of cargo volume with the rear seats in use: if you need lots of room for teenagers and plenty of luggage capacity, the EX30 is too small for you.

I should also add that long-term reports for the EX30 haven’t been entirely glowing; Edmunds described its experience over a year as “a very frustrating car to live with.”

Volvo EX30 Cross Country center console

The center console is rather thoughtfully designed.

Volvo EX30 infotainment screen.

There is a setting to turn off the screen other than required information (and media controls).

If that still sounds enticing, then Volvo still has a little under 1,200 EX30s in inventory, and I imagine dealers are eager to get rid of them. Only about 250 of them are the Cross Country, and even fewer still are the regular RWD EX30—fewer than 50 currently. That is a shame, as I bet that one is really rather good.

Japan rallies tech-giant alliance to build sovereign AI

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Japan rallies tech-giant alliance to build sovereign AI

Japan is throwing its industrial weight behind a homegrown challenger to US and Chinese dominance in artificial intelligence.

The government announced this week it will fund Noetra, a new consortium of SoftBank Corp., Sony, NEC and Honda, to build a national AI foundation model in partnership with the National Institute of Advanced Industrial Science and Technology (AIST).

The move reflects mounting concern in Tokyo that Japan’s industrial competitiveness and national security could suffer as AI advances rapidly in the US and China.

Noetra President Hironobu Tanba is a senior executive officer at SoftBank Corp. known for his advocacy of Made-in-Japan AI models. “Being a sovereign AI becomes even more important when AI plays a core role in business,” he said.

“Dependence on overseas LLMs [large language models] carries not only the concern of a company’s confidential information being unintentionally transferred abroad, but also serious risks related to business continuity itself. For example, if an AI is controlling a manufacturer’s production line, and its use is suddenly restricted due to changes in foreign laws or international affairs, the factory’s lines could be shut down,” Tanba said.

On June 30, Noetra and AIST announced that their joint proposal entitled “Research and Development of Physical AI Foundation Technologies for Real-World Native Applications” had been selected under the “Development of Multimodal Foundation Models for AI Robots and Physical AI” program run by the New Energy and Industrial Technology Development Organization (NEDO).

Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry Ryosei Akazawa announced the decision after a Cabinet meeting held the same day. Noetra will receive 387.3 billion yen (US$2.4 billion) in subsidies this fiscal year and about 1 trillion yen ($6.1 billion) over five years.

Noetra does not aim to compete with OpenAI or other developers of advanced general-use AI models.

Instead, Akazawa said, “Japan’s path to success lies in leveraging data accumulated in areas such as health care for the elderly, disaster response, manufacturing sites and the decommissioning of the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant. … By building and expanding data infrastructure for physical AI and robotics — fields in which Japan can capitalize on its strengths — we aim to take the lead globally.”

In addition to its four founding members, Noetra is targeting the participation of — and investment from — other Japanese AI developers and about 40 companies from the manufacturing and non-manufacturing sectors, including autos, electronics, logistics, telecom, IT and finance. The idea is to establish a cross-industry framework extending from R&D to deployment in Japan and overseas.

The foundation model is intended to be multimodal, incorporating data, images, video, audio and physical properties to perform tasks such as recognition and reasoning. To make it work, Noetra will need to integrate critical industrial data in a way that does not compromise the trade secrets of its members.

At the same time, access to AI-related technology should be a powerful incentive for participation, particularly regarding competition with China. As Chinese companies move up the value chain in one industry after another, their Japanese competitors cannot afford to fall behind in physical AI. Even Noetra’s leaders are not trying to go it alone.

If this were all there was to it — another Japanese industry-bureaucracy combine — a great deal of skepticism might be in order. But there are other AI developers in Japan, and two of them, Sakana AI and Preferred Networks, have recently made headlines of their own.

On June 22, Japanese venture company Sakana AI released its Fugu LLM AI service. Fugu is a “multi-agent orchestrator” that combines and coordinates the work of other LLMs to deliver the best possible result depending on the task, “without any single-vendor dependency or the complexity of a traditional multi-agent system.”

Sakana AI claims that Fugu has outperformed Anthropic’s Fable 5, Google’s Gemini 3.1 Pro and OpenAI’s GPT 5.5 in specific applications such as planning, coding and testing, and that it has outperformed Anthropic’s Mythos Preview in answering graduate-level science questions.

Fugu is expensive — as much as five times more expensive than Claude Opus 4.8, according to one assessment — and much slower, but its adaptable specialization and cross-checking reportedly result in fewer hallucinations and other mistakes. It also has value as an alternative to U.S. and Chinese models, and it is a work in progress.

Co-founded in July 2023 by two former AI researchers at Google and an executive with experience in e-commerce and AI, Sakana AI has also developed Japanese-language and image-generation models. It has numerous Japanese and foreign investors, including Nvidia, Khosla Ventures, NEC, Fujitsu and the ITOCHU general trading and investment company.

On June 2, applied computer science company Preferred Networks announced an alliance with Mitsubishi Heavy Industries (MHI) to jointly develop AI technologies for MHI’s national security and social infrastructure product portfolios. MHI is Japan’s largest defense contractor.

Established in 2014 by two computer scientists from the University of Tokyo, Preferred Networks (PFN) is a vertically integrated developer of AI semiconductor devices, computing infrastructure, generative AI and specific AI solutions. It has also created an LLM called PLaMo that is trained on Japanese data and offers a cloud service for AI workloads running on its MN-Core series of processors.

Over the past 12 years, projects in manufacturing (autos, industrial robots, etc.), energy, materials and chemicals, life sciences (pharmaceuticals, drug discovery), logistics, public infrastructure and other sectors have given Preferred Networks extensive domain knowledge that it now brings to MHI. Drone and counter-drone systems are likely to be among the first targets of their collaboration.

Preferred Networks has also begun joint research into physical AI with Toyota Motor’s Frontier Research Center. After the launch of Preferred Networks’ next-generation AI processors in 2027, the two companies plan to conduct tests with robots in applications requiring high-speed inference. Robotics technology developed with Toyota should also inform PFN’s work with MHI.

On June 22, Preferred Networks released a new AI model for corporate users that is optimized for the Japanese language. PLaMo 3.0 Prime reportedly sells for less than half the price of comparable models from OpenAI and other English-based competitors.

The initiatives of Noetra, Sakana AI and Preferred Networks fit with Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s promotion of 17 strategic economic sectors, which projects 10.5 trillion yen ($64.5 billion) in public and private investment in physical AI by 2040. In what is usually regarded as a contest between the US and China, Japan intends to be a serious contender.

Follow this writer on X: @ScottFo83517667

UN peacekeepers in Lebanon say they face movement restrictions in southern Lebanon

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UN peacekeepers in Lebanon say they face movement restrictions in southern Lebanon

The United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon (UNIFIL) are seen as they have reported that the Israeli army constructed two walls inside Lebanese territory along the border, in violation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701, near the town of Yaroun, Nabatieh, Lebanon on November 15, 2025. [Ramiz Dallah - Anadolu Agency]

The United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon (UNIFIL) are seen as they have reported that the Israeli army constructed two walls inside Lebanese territory along the border, in violation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701, near the town of Yaroun, Nabatieh, Lebanon on November 15, 2025. [Ramiz Dallah – Anadolu Agency]

The UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) said on Wednesday that they continue to face restrictions on their freedom of movement in Lebanon, Anadolu reports.

Those restrictions included “blocked routes due to barriers, debris, and other obstacles temporarily halt essential patrols and safety operations,” the UNIFIL said in a statement released on Telegram.

“UN peacekeepers remain on the ground, monitoring the situation and reporting observed violations in line with our mandate under Security Council resolution 1701,” it added.

The statement said the UNIFIL forces continue to ease humanitarian access, with its peacekeepers remaining in position and committed to supporting stability in southern Lebanon despite difficulties.

On Friday, Beirut and Tel Aviv signed a US-sponsored framework agreement aimed at facilitating a phased Israeli withdrawal from Lebanese territory and reducing hostilities along the border.​​​​​​​

Since March 2, Israel has been conducting a military offensive in Lebanon that has killed over 4,240 people, injured more than 12,190 others, and displaced over 1 million people, according to the Lebanese Health Ministry.

Sony announces end of PlayStation discs, parts of digital store in the same day

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Sony announces end of PlayStation discs, parts of digital store in the same day

Some gamers are concerned about the future of game ownership after Sony’s announcement today that it won’t produce physical discs for PlayStation games as of January 2028. On that date, “new games will be available on PlayStation Store and at retailers in digital formats only,” Sony said in a blog post.

Ditching discs is “a natural direction” for Sony “to adapt to consumer trends as the general preference for digital media significantly outpaces physical discs,” the post said.

During Sony’s fiscal year ending on March 31, 2026, digital downloads accounted for 78 percent of full-game unit purchases, up from 76 percent in fiscal 2024.

“We’ll continue to prioritize our resources to drive innovation in how players can access games and provide choices as to where players prefer to purchase new games, whether that’s at retailers or PlayStation Store,” the blog said.

No companies other than Sony subsidiary Sony Digital Audio Disc Corporation make PlayStation discs, so today’s announcement signals the end of physical copies of PlayStation games and marks Sony’s evolution toward a licensing-only sales model.

You don’t own digital copies

Digital copies of games can make it easier to quickly acquire and play games, receive updates, own many games without needing much physical space, and can help reduce waste. The gaming industry has already mostly moved to this model.

However, buying a digital download is not the same as owning a game. Per PlayStation’s terms of service:

When you order or purchase a product from PlayStation Store, you buy a personal license to use that product for private, non-commercial use. That license is not transferable unless your local applicable laws say it must be. This means you can use a product in the ways described in the license, but do not own the product.

Gaming companies rarely delete previously purchased games from customers’ libraries, but it is possible. In 2013, Valve pulled copies of Order of War: Challenger from customers’ libraries after the game’s servers shut down, rendering those copies useless. It would be shocking and unpopular for Sony to remove purchased games from gamers’ digital libraries, but considering that you “do not own the product,” as Sony puts it, the risk remains.

Furthering this concern, Sony also announced today that it will close the PlayStation Store on PlayStation 3 and PS Vita, with the US losing access in July 2027. Although the number of gamers relying on those stores is declining, it remains notable that Sony shied from committing to making previously purchased PlayStation 3 and PS Vita games downloadable for customers’ lifetime.

“To ease the transition, players will still be able to download previously purchased content after the closing date for the foreseeable future,” Sony said.

Both blog posts have comments decrying Sony’s announcements and their implications for ownership and long-term access to PlayStation games.

One user going by Mosquito53, for example, commented:

Another disappointing decision made in the same day. No matter how many users still use these stores, they should remain open. So much content released digital-only, even on these platforms, these games will be lost to time.

Imagine what will happen in the future when this same decision is made for PS4 or PS5 or even the eventual PS6, which now looks to be all digital with the announcement of no more physical disc production.

We will own nothing, it’s truly sad.

Sony has repeatedly reminded PlayStation customers that digital libraries can be temporary. In September, users in the United Kingdom will lose access to previously purchased titles from movie and show production and distribution company StudioCanal. Sony previously pulled StudioCanal content from customers’ PlayStation libraries in Germany and Australia. And in 2024, Sony deleted customers’ Funimation digital libraries despite Funimation previously claiming that customers would be able to access these digital copies “forever but” with “some restrictions.”

Sony has also shown a wavering commitment to its digital stores. In 2021, it stopped selling movie and show rentals/purchases. Leaving the door ajar for customers to potentially lose access to digital games they bought for PlayStation 3 or PS Vita doesn’t boost confidence around the digital-only future.

Further, the removal of storefronts could mean beloved games released only digitally become virtually impossible to find. We’ve seen this happen with Nintendo 3DS and Wii U games. After those digital storefronts closed in 2023, the number of Game Boy games released during Game Boy’s lifetime that were still available dropped from 155 out of 1,873 to 25, according to a 2023 report from the Video Game History Foundation.

“This is why physical media matters,” a user named Radgatt commented on Sony’s PS3 and PS Vita announcement. “More and more proof that you’re just buying a license that can be taken away whenever companies feel like it.

Why Poland’s president is invoking wartime history in a dispute with Volodymyr Zelensky

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Why Poland’s president is invoking wartime history in a dispute with Volodymyr Zelensky

There have long been tensions, political, economic and cultural, between Poland and Ukraine. But that hasn’t prevented Poland from being the biggest supporter of its neighbour, taking in millions of Ukrainians fleeing the war, about 1 million of whom have remained.

And in 2023, Poland conferred its highest honour, the Order of the White Eagle, on Ukraine’s president Volodymyr Zelensky. At the time, then-president Andrzej Duda told the Ukrainian president: “It is difficult to hide the tears of emotion watching your service to your homeland.”

But on June 19, the current president, Karol Nawrocki, announced he was rescinding the order and stripping Zelensky of the honour. He did so after Zelensky awarded the honorary title “Heroes of the UPA” to an elite unit of Ukraine’s special forces. Zelensky said he had awarded the honour at the unit’s request. He said it was his duty as commander-in-chief, who “must provide them with everything they need to protect our people and our land”. He added: “And if they are motivated by our heroes … and if this is very important to them, I must do whatever they tell me.”

Political spats between the two countries over historical memory are nothing new. But this is the first since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine to escalate to this degree. And the fact is that it has more to do with domestic Polish politics than any long-term rift between Poland and Ukraine.

First, some background. The Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) was a Ukrainian nationalist formation that fought against the Soviets during the second world war. After harsh Soviet rule in Ukraine many in the UPA saw the German military invasion as liberating them from Soviet repression.

But it turned out that the Nazis were even worse than the Soviets. For the Poles, though, memories of the massacre of ethnic Poles in Volhynia, now Volyn, in Ukraine, by members of the UPA, remain raw.

As American historian Timothy Snyder has written: “Ukrainians think about the UPA mainly through … the struggle against the Red Army after 1945. Poles remember … 1943, when the UPA killed tens of thousands of Poles in Volhynia.”

These memories lead to different interpretations which are used to serve often divergent domestic political purposes in the two countries. Despite the UPA’s history, Ukraine continues to award UPA-related honours because the nationalist movement has become a symbol of resistance to Soviet and Russian rule, which fits with the broader post-2014 campaign to rid Ukraine of vestiges of its communist past.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has reinforced this trend, making such honours less about revisiting the past than about mobilising contemporary symbols of national resistance in Ukraine – even if they remain deeply controversial in Poland.

Nawrocki claims he revoked Zelensky’s award because “his countrymen’s pain threshold has been crossed”. It’s a strong reaction, which drastically contrasts with Nawrocki’s own previous position as head of the Institute of National Remembrance in 2023, when he stated that Ukraine was free to honour its own historical figures, including the UPA’s leaders.

The Polish prime minister, Donald Tusk, was more restrained, urging both countries to stop quarrelling about the past for the sake of the future. His deputy Radosław Sikorski, who is also Poland’s minister of foreign affairs, pointed out that while Zelensky’s decree was inappropriate, that Nawrocki’s reaction was disproportionate and had been welcomed in Moscow.

Jockeying for political advantage

This contrast between the responses of Nawrocki, a rightwing populist, and the centre-left government suggests that the dispute cannot be explained by history alone. It illustrates the friction between the right-leaning president and the left-leaning government. Nawrocki has unofficially started a campaign for next year’s parliamentary election and is rallying for his Law and Justice party (PiS) by playing up anti-Ukrainian sentiment.

Polish president, Karol Nawrocki, makes a speech in front of a church in Radom, Poland, June 2026.

Electioneering: the Polish president, Karol Nawrocki, is in campaign mode on behalf of his Law and Justice party for parliamentary elections in 2027. EPA/Piotr Polak

Before being elected, Nawrocki promised to block Ukraine’s accession to Nato. He has also been against Ukraine’s membership of the EU. Zelensky has given him an opportunity to capitalise on anti-Ukrainian narratives that play well to Poles disaffected by the war.

Additionally, by revoking Zelensky’s honour, Nawrocki has laid down a challenge to Tusk. The prime minister’s countersignature is required to validate the decision – and this would put him in a difficult political situation domestically.

Following the dispute, Nawrocki’s approval ranking is at a historic high of 54.8% – up by 8.4 percentage points from a month before.

While anti-Ukrainian rhetoric falls on fertile soil in Poland due to popular fatigue at supporting so many refugees, there is still strong support for Ukraine.

Jerzy Wójcik, a prominent Polish journalist and media executive, who has led major humanitarian campaigns like Warmth from Poland for Kyiv, initiated a petition to present Zelenskyy with Citizen’s Order of the Future award. He said that “the Polish right wing has launched a campaign ahead of the parliamentary elections and is ruthlessly exploiting the Volhynia tragedy for political gain”.

UPA’s past links to genocide are felt by most Poles. But there is still a strong tension when it comes to Nawrocki’s revocation of Zelensky’s order. This, along with Polish public support for Ukraine, suggests that the dispute is more complex than the political rhetoric implies.

The dispute is not primarily about the UPA – nor is it evidence of a fundamental shift in Polish foreign policy. While it has the potential to become a bigger diplomatic challenge for the two countries, it illustrates a broader phenomenon: political leaders mobilising contested history to solve present-day domestic political problems.

Similar dynamics can be seen in relations between Serbia and Kosovo. Their political leaders regularly invoke competing historical narratives surrounding the 14th-century Battle of Kosovo to strengthen their domestic political standing, often at the expense of dialogue between the two sides.

These strategies may generate short-term domestic political gains. But they risk undermining strategically important relationships.

Musk remaking the world like Ford – but far more dangerously

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Musk remaking the world like Ford – but far more dangerously

Elon Musk, briefly the world’s first trillionaire – but now a mere billionaire again – is a man of exceptions.

He’s built not one, but two of the world’s most pioneering technology companies (Tesla and SpaceX). He was talking about settling humans on Mars with a straight face some 20 years ago. Unlike most tech CEOs, he posts on social media multiple times daily, via his own platform, X.

In 2025, he gave what looked like a Nazi salute, very publicly, in Washington DC. That same year, he held a very senior role in the United States government, with no prior political experience, while simultaneously expanding his business empire.

In his brief and chaotic tenure as head of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), he tried to turn government into a problem of data synthesis and pattern recognition, leading to optimized policy solutions.

All the while, he seemed to forget that real people, entitled to fairness and justice, were affected profoundly by his desk-based decisions.

All this has made him a household name and one of the world’s most powerful individuals. Some, like journalist Cory Doctorow, have been asking: is he now exceptionally dangerous? And where does he fit in with other oft-criticized West Coast “broligarchs”, like Amazon’s Jeff Bezos, Palantir’s Alexander Karp and Meta’s Mark Zuckerberg?

To answer these questions, you need to scrutinize both the man and the means at his disposal. This is exactly what Canadian political economist Quinn Slobodian and technology journalist Ben Tarnoff do in their carefully researched, well written and thought-provoking book, “Muskism: A Guide for the Perplexed.”

“Muskism” is a reference to “Fordism”, named after industrialist and motor vehicle manufacturer Henry Ford, whose mass production model altered American government and society for 40 years, from around 1935. The authors argue that Musk (along with other tech titans) is building a far-reaching industrial edifice that is similarly transforming society.

But while Ford and other mega-companies were the basis of mass employment, decent wages, strong social security and mass consumption in postwar America, Musk’s companies aim to forge a very different socioeconomic order. This order is stupendously networked, massively surveilled, anti-liberal and insular.

Under Muskism, the authors argue, oligarchs and national governments together use advanced technology to weaken democracy, divide the population, impose social hierarchy and immunise themselves from serious external threats.

South Africa as cradle of Muskism

“To understand the world that Musk aims to build, we have to understand the worlds that built Musk,” Slobodian and Tarnoff write. The first of these worlds was 1970s South Africa, where Musk was born and raised – none too happily, by a wealthy family – during the final years of the apartheid regime.

“South Africa was the cradle of Muskism,” they write. “It taught the lesson of fortress futurism: the belief that technology can strengthen self-reliance in a hostile world.”

Systemic racism organized the entire society Musk grew up in. State and big business conspired to favor whites, using elaborate bureaucratic procedures and numerous laws – despite hostility outside the country.

Bookish, an early video gamer, a fan of sci-fi and new technology, Musk emigrated to Canada in 1989, aged 17, to avoid mandatory military service. He took his beliefs with him, rather than shedding them, say the authors.

By 1992, Musk was in the US, attending the University of Pennsylvania to study physics and economics. By 1995, he was in Palo Alto, establishing his first tech startup (Zip2) and later X.com, a firm that would merge with Peter Thiel’s PayPal.

By 2002, he was incredibly rich; he set up SpaceX that year. His involvement with Tesla began in 2004 and grew from there. In 2015, he helped found OpenAI. In 2016, he co-founded Neuralink, a firm seeking to integrate human minds with AI.

In 2017, he founded the Boring Company, focused on tunnelling and underground transport. In late 2022, he acquired Twitter, and eight months later, founded xAI (with its Grok chatbot). Then in 2025, he was head of DOGE, before falling out with President Donald Trump.

All this occurred before Musk was 55. By almost any standards, his list of accomplishments and activities has been extraordinary. A white South African immigrant now commands the heights of American power, his influence global.

This is why Slobodian and Tarnoff propose the term “Muskism”, linking Musk the man – like Ford before him – to something far bigger that he’s built.

From Musk to Muskism

There are now several biographies of Musk. Some are authorized, some not; some are celebratory, others very critical.

Walter Isaacson’s Elon Musk (2023) is widely regarded as the most definitive account to date. Other books situate Musk in a wider cast of American “tech lords”, notably Jacob Silverman’s Gilded Rage: Elon Musk and the Radicalization of Silicon Valley (2025).

book cover: Muskism - with white cloud on blue

Slobodian and Tarnoff believe Musk is somewhat different to his big tech peers. They link his unusual South African upbringing and beliefs to his capacity to amass social power in an equally unusual way.

Musk “sells the fantasy that, in an increasingly unstable world, both states and individuals can fortify their self-reliance by plugging into his infrastructures,” they write. “The paradox is that, in doing so, you become reliant on him.”

They describe Muskism as a blend of proven technologies, technological promises-cum-prophecies, relationships between business and the state, and memes designed to sell and legitimize Musk’s business empire.

Together, these things promote “techo-sovereignty”, where advanced technology produced by private companies allows a national government and its preferred citizens to project power overseas, while reducing their own vulnerability to external shocks or enemies.

The system ensures American wealth in a post-free trade era where China, Russia and Iran are seen as threats. And it’s one many can’t see, even as it negatively affects the world we all inhabit.

Space, electric vehicles and social media

SpaceX and Tesla are at the heart of Musk’s success, but so – increasingly – is X.

The first two companies pioneered unlikely technologies in the US private sector: space rockets, satellites and electric vehicles. Musk, the authors show, drove innovation relentlessly, while raising a lot of money (through effective hype and sales pitches – or, “future fabulation”).

He built vertically integrated firms to reduce reliance on outside suppliers. For instance, today Tesla produces not only vehicles, but also batteries, at a very large scale. It has now expanded into renewable energy battery systems. It looks like an old-style Fordist conglomerate in some respects, without the “bother”, the authors write, of large unionised work forces.

Musk’s recognition of the power of the national state, and the benefits of partnering with it, is clearest when it comes to SpaceX. It is a preferred US government supplier, contractor and partner, with few to no rivals.

Notably, the US military uses Starlink, SpaceX’s low-orbit satellite internet system. This suggests a more intimate relationship between government and big business than during Ford’s era.

“State symbiosis”, rather than open market competition, is Musk’s preference when he can achieve it.

In the case of Tesla, Obama-era worries about the Chinese economic “threat” and climate change allowed Musk to gain massive federal support after the financial crisis. This gave him an advantage over other American vehicle manufacturers, who were barely in the electric vehicle game at the time.

From 2017, Musk became “extremely online, an incurable poster” on what was then Twitter. First, to spruik his companies. Later, to broadcast his increasingly right-wing ideas – which have keyed into a resurgent populism in the US and elsewhere.

‘We are the AI collectively’

Musk started to post about a so-called “woke mind virus” in late 2022, around the time he took over Twitter and renamed it X. Since then, the authors write, he’s posted incendiary comments about immigrants, LGBTQIA+ people, low birth-rates among whites, the decline of the West, and more.

The book’s chapters on Neuralink, Musk’s human brain chip venture, and xAI, his artificial intelligence company, consider him in this context. In a conversation with OpenAI’s Sam Altman in 2016, Musk said: if we all “become an AI–human symbiote, we don’t have to worry about some sort of evil dictator AI because we are the AI collectively.”

Musk appears to imagine a cyborg future, where the digital and biological merge. Who will control the cognitive and informational ecosystem this would produce?

This may all sound vaguely comical and implausible: Musk as a Bond villain plotting to rule the world via far-reaching digital, robotic and vehicular gadgets. But Slobodian and Tarnoff remind us that Musk’s business acumen and commitment to technological success really have allowed him to concretise a particular vision of how the world ought to be.

Will Muskism grow?

To use a computer science term, Musk is seemingly trying to build an encompassing “superset” of interlocking parts, ranging from energy and transportation to communication. This is the message of Slobodian and Tarnoff’s fascinating book.

Unlike Bill Gates, or Palantir’s Alexander Karp and Peter Thiel, Musk has refrained from setting out his credo in books and manifestos. But his actions suggest he’s a man on a mission.

Who knows how powerful he might become, or what new technologies he may successfully commercialize, with state support? Will Muskism grow in scale, scope and influence? Though he doesn’t use the term Muskism, critic Nick Srnicek believes it’s already a formidable apparatus.

This book sheds important light on how one man is trying to remake the world in his own image – while the rest of us haven’t even been consulted.

It makes it clear that no society should ever allow a small number of individuals to possess the power he currently possesses. Just as we abhor the idea that millions should be allowed to starve to death, we should oppose the idea that unelected oligarchs get to determine our future.

Noel Castree is adjunct professor of society & environment, University of Technology Sydney

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Israel Opens 22nd Maccabiah Games, Welcoming Jewish Athletes From at Least 35 Countries

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Israel Opens 22nd Maccabiah Games, Welcoming Jewish Athletes From at Least 35 Countries


The 22nd Maccabiah Games opened in Jerusalem on July 1 with a ceremony at Teddy Stadium, bringing together thousands of Jewish athletes from around the world for the start of the two-week international sporting event.

Held under the theme “More Than Ever,” the opening ceremony featured the traditional parade of athletes, musical performances, large-scale multimedia displays and a pyrotechnic show. Organizers said roughly 5,000 athletes from about 35 countries participated in the opening procession.

The Games, which run through July 13, are expected to include between 8,000 and 10,000 competitors from 55 countries competing in more than 30 sports. Athletes are participating in Junior, Open, Masters and Paralympic divisions, including wounded Israel Defense Forces veterans.

Israeli television personality Assi Azar and dancer Anna Aronov hosted the ceremony, which was directed by Eldar Gohar Grossman and included the lighting of the Maccabiah torch.

Israel’s 2025 Eurovision Song Contest representative Yuval Raphael opened the evening with a new musical arrangement. Netta Barzilai, winner of the 2018 Eurovision Song Contest, performed a duet with singer and actress Anna Zak.

Musician Idan Raichel also performed, joined on stage by former hostages Daniella Gilboa and Edan Alexander. American actress, social media personality and Israel advocate Montana Tucker performed an original song and co-hosted the athletes’ parade with American-Israeli musician and content creator Michael HarPaz.

The ceremony featured hundreds of dancers and multimedia presentations displayed on two giant LED screens.

Often referred to as the “Jewish Olympics,” the Maccabiah is the largest Jewish athletic competition. Organizers described the 2026 edition as the largest gathering in Israel since Oct. 7, 2023.

Competition will be held throughout northern, central and southern Israel rather than at a single venue, with organizers describing the entire country as the event’s “Olympic village.” The program also includes community events and “Days of Hope” activities in communities surrounding the Gaza Strip.

Organizers selected “More Than Ever” as the theme for this year’s Games, which marked the opening of the 22nd Maccabiah.

Superworms could replace beetles for cleaning skeletal remains

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Superworms could replace beetles for cleaning skeletal remains

Fatemeh Rastekar, Niloofar Alaei Kakhki and Morteza Monfared discuss the safe and practical utility of superworm larvae for cleaning museum specimens. Credit: Anthony Lewis, PLOS/CC-BY 4.0

Preparing skeletal specimens for display in museums or for forensic studies requires the bones to be thoroughly cleaned to remove any remaining flesh or soft tissue. However, the need for thorough cleaning must be balanced against the risk of damaging the actual bones. According to a new paper published in the journal PLoS One, the larvae of so-called “superworms” (Zophobas morio)—a common pet food—offer a practical alternative.

There are existing methods for cleaning skeletal remains, such as burial, digestive enzymes, or chemical treatments. But most have drawbacks, including damaging bones, taking a long time to process, having expensive operational costs, or the use of environmentally hazardous substances. Using dermestid beetles has become the preferred method for skeletal cleaning since they can efficiently remove soft tissue without damaging the bone. The downside is that without strict containment practices, the beetles can escape and lay eggs that hatch, leading to infestations that threaten museum collections.

Fatemah Rastekar of Ferdowsi University of Mashhad in Iran and co-authors thought superworms might bring the same benefits as the beetles without the risk of infestation. For one thing, beetle colonies span all life stages and hence require complex containment; superworm cleaning only requires the larval stage, which lasts 10–12 weeks compared to just five to seven weeks for the beetles. And the larvae don’t pupate in crowded conditions, so it’s easier to manage the colonies while reducing the risk of escape. But could superworms match the cleaning efficiency of their rival beetles?

As the worm turns

To find out, Rastekar et al. collected several donated specimens of various sizes and species and cleaned them using commercially available superworms: an Egyptian rosette, a house mouse, a little bittern, an alligator gar, a Eurasian eagle-owl, a rook, a wild cat, and a gray wolf. They also performed a parallel experiment for comparison, cleaning the skeleton of a marbled polecat using a conventional boiling method to remove the flesh.

Sequential cleaning of a Hooded Crow (Corvus cornix) specimen by superworms

Sequential cleaning of a hooded crow (Corvus cornix) specimen by superworms.

Sequential cleaning of a hooded crow (Corvus cornix) specimen by superworms. Credit: Rastekar et al., 2026, PLOS One/CC-BY 4.0

All the specimens were skinned first, and the team removed any excess flesh and internal organs. Each specimen was weighed and put in the same-sized containers filled with superworm larvae to determine the optimal ratio of larvae to specimen for thorough cleaning without damaging bones. The team rotated larger specimens every six to eight hours into fresh containers. After each cleaning session, the larvae were fed fruit or vegetable peels, since feeding only on flesh can prevent the superworms from molting or even hasten their death. Any waste materials were removed regularly to maintain hygienic conditions.

Once the larvae were done chowing down, the skeletons were removed from the containers and rinsed with warm water to remove any residual larvae or tissue. While they did briefly immerse the skeletons in a 1 percent bleach solution, the authors cautioned that this can damage bone tissue, so it’s not recommended. Finally, the skeletons were coated with a clear gloss varnish spray to prepare them for display. (This step would be skipped in a forensic setting, since varnish sprays are not ideal for things like CT analysis.)

The result: A ratio of 10 to 15 grams of larvae per gram of animal specimen proved the most optimal, minimizing cleaning time while not damaging any bones. Once the optimal ratio had been established, Rastekar et al. conducted follow-up tests on three small bird skulls, with similar results. The authors recommend using larger containers for medium to large specimens to reduce cleaning time and the need to reposition them frequently. “Altogether, these findings demonstrate that superworms provide an adaptable and effective alternative for skeletal preparation in museum and research settings,” they concluded.

PLoS One, 2026. DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0349669 (About DOIs).

Teen Girl Dies in Bungee Jumping Horror After Instructor’s Chilling Two-Word Blunder

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Teen Girl Dies in Bungee Jumping Horror After Instructor’s Chilling Two-Word Blunder


A teenage girl’s vacation turned into an unimaginable nightmare when she plunged to her death during a bungee jump after a horrifying mix-up over just two words.

Vera Mol, 17, was on vacation in Spain with a group of Dutch and Belgian teenagers when she signed up for what was supposed to be a thrilling adventure. Instead, the bungee jump ended in tragedy after an instructor reportedly gave her a confusing command in poor English.

The deadly accident happened in August 2015 in Cabezón de la Sal, Cantabria, Spain, where Vera and 12 other teens were taking turns jumping from a bridge.

The group had already watched several successful jumps. Vera was set to be one of the last to go.

But moments before she stepped off the bridge, a court later heard that the instructor told her “no jump” — a phrase Vera may have tragically misunderstood as “now jump.”

Seconds later, the teenager stepped forward and fell roughly 32 meters, about 105 feet, to the riverbed below.

Her safety cord had not been properly secured.

The shocking case later went before Spanish courts, where judges examined whether negligence played a role in the teen’s death. They found that the instructor’s poor command of English was a major factor in the fatal misunderstanding.

Judges described his English as “macarronico,” meaning very bad, and said he was not properly equipped to supervise foreign tourists in an activity as dangerous as bungee jumping.

The court said a clearer warning such as “don’t jump” may have prevented Vera from stepping off the bridge.

But the language blunder was not the only alleged failure.

The court also heard that Vera was not attached to a safety line while walking up to the bridge, leaving her dangerously exposed before the jump. The company also allegedly failed to provide a secure waiting area, forcing teens to stand near what was described as the “edge of the abyss” while waiting for their turn.

There was another devastating detail: Vera was only 17. Staff allegedly failed to check her ID or obtain parental consent, even though she was legally underage for the jump.

The company behind the activity, Flowtrack, called Vera’s death an accident, though a representative later acknowledged the tragedy stemmed from a misunderstanding. The company said Vera was connected to the rope when she jumped, but she had not yet been properly fastened to the bridge.

The instructor was accused of causing Vera’s death, while the company’s director also reportedly faced prosecution for negligent homicide.

Vera’s grieving family later pushed for tougher safety rules, hoping no other family would have to endure the same heartbreak.

Her tragic death has resurfaced after another horrifying bungee-style accident in Brazil, where Maria Eduarda Rodrigues de Freitas fell to her death from an abandoned bridge in São Paulo state on June 13, 2026.

In that case, disturbing footage reportedly showed instructors carrying Maria toward the edge before she plunged 130 feet. Authorities said the rope had not been secured before the jump. Three men were later taken into custody.

For Vera’s family, the pain remains a brutal reminder of how one unclear command, one missed safety check and one terrifying moment turned a vacation thrill into a fatal disaster.

Bank of Japan’s monetary monster is finally turning on its maker

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Bank of Japan’s monetary monster is finally turning on its maker

TOKYO – As the yen staggers back to 1986 levels at around 162 to the dollar, the financial Frankenstein Japan began stitching together that same year is returning to upend the economy in 2026. The timing couldn’t be worse: traders are now asking whether 170 or even 200 is next.

The experiments of 40 years ago are coming back to haunt Bank of Japan Governor Kazuo Ueda in spectacular fashion. Attention keeps drifting to Finance Minister Satsuki Katayama, but the real work of halting the yen’s slide and papering over Tokyo’s titanically large public debt falls to the central bank.

Odds are the currency’s 3.8% drop this year will accelerate as traders test Tokyo’s ability to contain the creature it built. As such, the yen “no longer trades like a G10 currency,” says Jordan Rochester, a strategist at Mizuho Bank.

The modern yen’s DNA formed in the mid-1980s, after the 1985 Plaza Accord sent it skyrocketing and rocked Japan Inc. As the economy fell into the red the following year, the BOJ eased aggressively. That largesse inflated an asset bubble that burst around 1990, birthing Japan’s lost decade.

With growth flatlining, officials set out to reanimate Japan Inc. — layering fiscal and monetary treatments atop one another, patch after patch. Zero rates in 1999 created the conditions. The QE pioneered by the BOJ in 2001 amplified them. Years of political inertia locked the creature in place. It mutated into something policymakers can no longer fully control.

Unwilling to admit what it had built, the BOJ went bigger in 2013. This was the real Frankenstein-assembly moment: under then-Governor Haruhiko Kuroda, the BOJ unleashed “quantitative and qualitative easing.” This QQE is the monetary equivalent of the lightning bolt that jolted the creature fully to life.

Now it’s doing things Tokyo would rather it didn’t — starting with terrifying markets everywhere. Thanks to the yen-carry trade, in which investors borrow cheaply in Japan to fund bets everywhere else, sharp yen moves ripple through global bonds and stocks far out of proportion to Japan’s own size.

How Tokyo stops the slide isn’t clear. Between April and May, Japan spent more than 11.7 trillion yen ($72.8 billion) in foreign reserves to prop up the currency. It’s still sliding. One possible remedy: the US Treasury joining the Ministry of Finance in a coordinated intervention. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has urged the BOJ to accelerate rate hikes and left the door open to joint operations.

But Tokyo should look inward for why it’s losing control of the exchange rate. Since taking power in October, Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi has sketched out a predictable, potentially costly growth plan. Like her mentor Shinzo Abe, she wants the BOJ to keep pumping monetary lightning into the economy while she reopens the fiscal floodgates — consumption tax cuts included.

Bond traders aren’t buying it. In May, JGB yields rose to 2.8%, their highest in 29 years. That’s partly the result of Tokyo carrying the world’s largest debt load — between 240% and 260% of GDP — atop a fast-shrinking population.

It’s partly the product of stagflation: this year’s 0.5% growth rate is clashing with a 2.8% reading on the BOJ’s own inflation gauge. The bottom line, says Gavekal Research economist Udith Sikand: markets perceive the BOJ as behind the curve on inflation.

But the yen’s decline also reflects a loss of faith. After three decades of Tokyo engineering a weak currency and four decades of the BOJ manipulating yields, many global funds now view Japan less as a long-term investment case than as a playground for short-term currency plays.

“To avoid a debt crisis, the Bank of Japan caps bond yields, which keeps the government’s interest burden manageable,” says Robin Brooks, economist at the Brookings Institution. “But this means that risk premia aren’t reflected in bond yields. Interest rates are too low versus the risk of crisis in the eyes of markets.”

That, Brooks adds, “puts depreciation pressure on the yen, since investors have little incentive to stay in Japan. The government periodically intervenes in foreign exchange markets to stop the yen from falling too rapidly, but this approach is doomed to fail because it treats the symptom — yen depreciation — and not the disease — too much debt.”

In fact, Brooks adds, “it’s my view that FX intervention is deeply counterproductive because it creates the illusion that nothing’s wrong when, actually, there’s a very serious crisis brewing.”

Takaichi is tempting fate by pushing the same old experiments with little fresh thinking. Meanwhile, the BOJ appears to be giving her Liberal Democratic Party much of what it wants by throttling back its own normalization.

Ueda’s BOJ did hike short-term rates last month to a 31-year high of 1%. But it also eased up on quantitative tightening, holding monthly bond purchases steady at roughly 2 trillion yen ($12.5 billion) rather than trimming them further.

It’s a reminder that even Japan’s modest growth still runs on modern history’s most assertive economic and corporate welfare regime.

After the 2008 Lehman shock, central banks everywhere copied Japan’s QE playbook. But the Fed, the European Central Bank, the Reserve Bank of Australia and others eventually found their way out. Japan hasn’t.

Regardless of its benchmark rate, the BOJ still holds most of Japan’s outstanding government debt on its own balance sheet and remains the largest owner of Tokyo stocks via ETFs.

The BOJ’s balance sheet, which in 2018 exceeded the size of Japan’s US$4.2 trillion economy, still needs to be unwound. Yet 27 years on, Tokyo has yet to pull out the monetary intravenous tubes. And currency traders know it.

That’s part of why it struck many as odd that the yen didn’t rally after the US and Israel struck Iran. In years past, the currency would have surged on any “risk-on” shift in markets. Now, cynicism over Tokyo’s policies has merged with a market perception that the economy isn’t as robust as officials claim.

“On the downside, uncertainty surrounding the Middle East situation remains elevated, while weak business sentiment and capex plans among small non-manufacturers, typically more sensitive to the business cycle, are a concern,” says Takeshi Yamaguchi, chief Japan economist at Morgan Stanley MUFG.

“In addition, both firms and households are likely to have brought forward demand due to concerns over future price increases and supply disruptions. As front-loaded demand is typically followed by a payback, part of the strength in production and durable goods consumption should be discounted,” Yamaguchi says.

Japan’s weak-yen problem could also shake the US bond market in the months ahead — namely if Tokyo, the largest foreign holder of US Treasuries, starts selling dollars aggressively.

“Japan’s currency weakness is widely viewed as a domestic issue, which I believe is a mistake,” says Nigel Green, CEO of advisory firm deVere Group. “Japan remains one of the largest foreign holders of US government debt. If intervention efforts become larger, longer, and more frequent, the implications go well beyond the foreign exchange market.”

With more than $1 trillion in Treasury holdings, Green notes, Japan ranks among Washington’s biggest overseas creditors. If Japanese authorities are compelled to keep propping up the yen over a prolonged period, he warns, “global investors could suddenly find themselves confronting an entirely different risk” — the world’s largest foreign holder of US Treasuries becoming a more significant seller.

Not everyone is convinced the dollar is vulnerable, despite legislative chaos in Washington and a national debt approaching $40 trillion. “Without a meaningful shift in US interest rate expectations, global risk appetite or coordinated international intervention, selling dollars against the yen remains a difficult proposition,” says Chris Weston, head of research at Pepperstone Group.

There’s also plenty of bullishness toward Japan, a decade after the Abe government began prodding companies to strengthen corporate governance.

“Japan is finally seeing that its companies are getting pricing power because of the exit from deflation,” Jimmy Chang, chief investment officer at Rockefeller Global Family Office, tells Dow Jones. “We still like the Japanese equity market relative to other international markets.”

Yet Japan’s Frankenstein problem could rear its head in the bond market at any moment. Between inflation stoked by the Iran war and Takaichi’s ambitious fiscal plans, the “bond vigilantes” are in a whirl.

“Higher inflation and prospects of additional fiscal support are putting pressure on JGB yields,” notes Deborah Tan, an analyst at Moody’s Ratings.

In the months before she took office 253 days ago, Takaichi rattled debt markets with talk of fiscal pump-priming — this after her predecessor, Shigeru Ishiba, warned in May 2025 that Tokyo’s deteriorating finances were “worse than Greece.” His point: with an out-of-control debt-to-GDP ratio and a fast-aging workforce, a tax cut looks reckless.

There are unique reasons the often-predicted JGB crash never seems to arrive. For one, 90% of JGBs are held domestically, sharply reducing the risk of large-scale capital flight.

Banks, insurers, pension funds, endowments, the postal system and the growing ranks of retirees would all suffer painful losses in a selloff — so the collective incentive is to hold rather than sell.

Even Japan’s inward‑facing debt market can’t seal itself off from global tremors. That’s why Tokyo is suddenly whispering about a potential “Liz Truss moment.”

In 2022, then‑UK Prime Minister Truss rattled Britain’s gilt market by trying to slip an unfunded tax cut past bond investors — a fiasco Takaichi’s party should keep front of mind as it toys with fiscal loosening.

Meanwhile, the yen is sliding toward 170 per dollar, with 200 no longer unthinkable. It’s territory last visited in the downcast 1980s. Exchange rates have a way of cutting through political spin; denial doesn’t stop the math. Tokyo is learning that lesson now in real time.

Follow William Pesek on X at @WilliamPesek

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