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US, Iran make progress in indirect talks mediated by Qatar and Pakistan

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US, Iran make progress in indirect talks mediated by Qatar and Pakistan

The United States and Iran have made progress in indirect talks, according to mediators Qatar and Pakistan.

Qatari Foreign Ministry spokesman Majed Al Ansari said late on Wednesday that “positive progress” had been made on issues related to the framework agreement reached two weeks ago to end the Iran war.

The talks were held in the Qatari capital, Doha, with mediators holding separate meetings with negotiators from both sides.

In a post on X, Al Ansari said the two sides had “agreed to continue discussions over the coming period, with the next meeting to be scheduled at the earliest possible time following the funeral processions of the former Iranian Supreme Leader.” He was referring to Ali Khamenei, who was killed in an Israeli air strike in late February.

According to Iranian media reports, the funeral ceremonies are due to begin on 4 July in Tehran and the holy city of Qom. Khamenei is expected to be buried on 9 July in his hometown of Mashhad in north-eastern Iran.

Editorial: It’s time to step up and have your say for science

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Editorial: It’s time to step up and have your say for science

Near the end of May, the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) proposed a new rule that would govern how the federal government handles the grants it issues, including those that fund the vast majority of scientific research in the US.

If formalized, the rule would make political priorities the prime determinant of what science gets funded and sideline the opinions of scientific experts. Grants could be canceled due to political whims, and new layers of bureaucracy would inhibit basic scientific activities like publishing papers and attending conferences. Unlike the executive orders it echoes, it would have the force of law behind it and be significantly harder to challenge in court.

Before coming into force, however, the proposal must go through a process that includes public feedback and (potentially) changes in response. The deadline for that feedback—Monday, July 13—is rapidly approaching.

I’m here to explain what makes this proposal so dangerous, why your feedback matters, and how you can craft an effective submission.

Why this matters

In Ars’ initial coverage of the OMB proposal, I identified many potential problems with the rules. They specifically sidelined peer review as the primary meausre of scientific merit; gave political appointees the final decision on funding; allowed the government to cancel any grant at any time after it was issued; allowed decisions to be made based on vague political litmus tests like “in the national interest” and “aligned with administration policies and priorities”; and required political appointees to approve any spending for conferences or publishing.

The OMB justifies these changes as an effort to “improve transparency, accountability, and oversight” and “reduce recipient burden.” Its goal, as stated in the introduction to the rules, is “ensuring that American tax dollars are not wasted or misused, activities performed under Federal awards are consistent with law and policy, and recipients are held accountable when they fail to meet relevant standards.”

But it’s not at all obvious why that’s the case. There’s no reason to think, for example, that decisions made by political appointees based on vague standards would be any more transparent than those made by peer reviewers based on scientific merit. Or that the ability to cancel grants after they’ve funded part of a research project would avoid wasting American tax dollars.

As I wrote at the time, these changes would cripple US-funded science. We’d enter an era in which each new administration might mean wholesale grant cancellations in line with changing priorities. Any projects requiring long-term planning would be impossible. Using basic academic terminology would place grants at risk of rejection or termination on political grounds. Funding decisions would be made based on what one political party wanted to be true rather than on scientific merit.

While I’d like to think I have a proven history of level-headed reporting and analysis, I can understand why many would see this as an exaggeration. But I’ve read a lot of the ensuing coverage, and I think that initial appraisal holds up.

And you don’t have to take my word for it. The American Association for Cancer Research describes the OMB proposal as “a major threat to the National Institutes of Health” and criticized “the Administration’s concept of ‘Gold Standard Science,’ which is a term the Administration uses to terminate research not because it is unsound but because it does not fit a preferred political or methodological agenda.”

It went on to say that “if this OMB-proposed regulation is ultimately finalized, it will severely weaken the US federal research grant program that has supported American innovation and medical breakthroughs for decades. It will also upend the collaborative and evidence-based model that has resulted in US leadership in cancer research and medical science.”

Shane Jacobson, CEO of the American Cancer Society, had similar thoughts. “Codifying shifting policy preferences into formal federal regulations risks triggering repeated cycles of overhaul with each change in administration,” he said in a statement. “Such back-and-forth would create a chronically unpredictable environment, making it extremely difficult for institutions and investigators to plan and sustain the multi-year, long-term research essential to clinical trials and breakthrough discoveries that patients urgently need.”

Nancy Brown of the American Heart Association echoed these worries, saying, “Policies that undermine independence or shift decisions away from established scientific and public health expertise risk weakening the innovation and collaboration needed to meet current and future health challenges.”

And it’s not just the people in the biomedical sciences who are worried. The American Geophysical Union called the change “a rule that would rewrite the terms of US science” and accused the government of “using the language of scientific rigor as a screen for political gatekeeping.” Its statement echoed a number of the concerns in Ars’ coverage.

“Political officials would have the authority to reject proposals that passed rigorous expert evaluation if they determine the work does not advance ‘the President’s policy priorities’ or is inconsistent with ‘the national interest,’ which could change or reverse course at any moment,” its statement said. “We have spent generations building peer review precisely because decisions about which science to fund should rest on scientific merit, not political alignment. This proposal would undo that.”

The American Physical Society was equally blunt. “These proposals would let political preference override expert peer review, restrict travel, limit collaboration, impede the sharing of results, and affect programs that train the next generation of scientists,” it said. “The proposed federal rule would establish regulations that would have politics shadow every research dollar, making it far harder to undo, no matter who holds office next.” In a follow-up, it said, “The proposal crosses the line, threatening all science, under any administration, now and into the future.”

“This latest move is a brazen power grab by the Director of the Office of Management and Budget to buck the will of Congress and the American people and will make future discoveries less likely,” said Sudip Parikh, CEO of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. “If this rule becomes final, Americans’ hopes for future cures, national security, and economic strength will rely on the scientific sensibilities of the nation’s chief bureaucrat.”

So no, I’m not exaggerating or being excessively negative. There is widespread agreement that this rule likely represents the greatest threat that US science funding has ever faced.

Why you can make a difference

The Trump administration’s assault on various aspects of precedent and governance has left people with a sense of learned helplessness. And many have been willing to wait to let the courts sort things out or find themselves hoping that the damage done before the midterms won’t be that bad.

None of that is the case here. There is reason to act, and the time is now.

The federal rulemaking process requires that any proposed changes be subject to public comment and that the agency must respond to any substantive comments. It doesn’t require that the agency submitting the proposed rule act on those comments, and there are many good reasons to believe that the OMB will try to force these changes through despite any opposition. But the audience for your comments is not only the OMB.

The sources we’ve consulted have consistently pointed out that high-quality public comments serve several purposes. One of the clearest statements we’ve seen comes from Elizabeth Ginexi, a former program director from the National Institutes of Health.

She noted:

A large volume of substantive comments serves three purposes:

  • It creates a record of opposition that courts can review if the rule is challenged
  • It forces OMB to defend each provision individually, potentially causing them to drop or narrow the most indefensible ones
  • It signals to Congress that the rule is controversial enough to warrant legislative action or appropriations riders

In other words, even an OMB filled with ideologues might be compelled by the comments to recognize that some aspects of this proposal are legally indefensible and sacrifice them to give the remainder a chance to survive court challenges. The comments can also provide material for said court challenges. Finally, the public comments can help Congress identify a basis for interventions that could block the rule from taking effect.

By crafting a high-quality public comment in response to this rule, you can make a real difference. Maybe not in the immediate term by influencing the OMB. But you can provide the raw material for ensuing efforts to claw back a reasonable future for science in the US.

Quality feedback

Make sure your comment is high-quality. Simply copying and pasting a suggested response won’t move the needle, since any identical comments can be dismissed as a group. We want to force the OMB to respond substantively to as many individual comments as possible.

Fortunately, a number of guides provide guidance on crafting effective feedback. The piece from Ginexi linked above contains helpful advice and some short examples about halfway down the page. The Society for Neuroscience has posted slides from a talk on the topic online; it also offers brief suggestions for what to include in a comment. The advocacy group Stand Up for Science has posted advice on writing comments, along with an extremely lengthy and detailed submission that demonstrates just how comprehensive a comment can be.

The short version: Explain why you have an interest in the topic and are qualified to comment on it, explain the damage specific aspects of the proposed rule will cause, and point out where the rule is contrary to or unsupported by existing law. To help identify which aspects to comment on, Ginexi provides a helpful breakdown of the different sections of the OMB’s proposal.

All of us have benefited from the pursuit of scientific knowledge uninhibited by political concerns. We rely on technology that has arisen from that research to communicate, navigate, identify risks, track our health, treat problems when they occur, adapt to our changing environment, and more. Everyone will be harmed if political hacks start using the powers OMB wants to give them—Lysenkoism is an example from history that makes that clear. So even if you don’t have a career in the sciences, you can make the case that you’ll be harmed.

When you’re ready to submit, navigate directly to the rule and submit a comment there. But many of the organizations that have come out against it have made their own interfaces that they feel simplify the process of submitting a comment. These include the Society for Neuroscience, the American Geophysical Union, and Stand Up for Science. The American Physical Society also provides a nice interface that allows people to comment on specific aspects of the OMB proposal.

The bottom line is that the proposed OMB rule represents a real crisis—likely the biggest threat US science has faced since government-funded science began to take off in earnest shortly after World War II. You and the people you care about will be impacted by the changes, even if you’ve never considered a career in research. But your comments on the rule can make a difference, even if the Trump administration and Russel Vought, its head of OMB, are completely indifferent to anything you have to say. Thankfully, the tools and advice you need to submit an official comment to the public record are easy to access.

If you want to submit comments, it’s very important to remember that the deadline is July 13, less than two weeks away. That’s enough time to get organized and set aside whatever time you need but not enough to be casual about it. If you care about scientific research in the US, the time to act is now.

Save any material you use to prepare your comments because it will likely be useful when you need to start pressuring your Congressional representatives to act.

While I’ve tried to gather the most useful resources I could find, I’m sure I’ve missed some. Please share any others in the comments.

The universe isn’t as uniform as we thought

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The universe isn’t as uniform as we thought

Modern cosmology rests on a simple assumption: if we look on large enough scales, matter should be distributed evenly, with no preferred direction within the cosmos. This is known as the cosmological principle.

Now, as new telescopes both on Earth and in space, such as the Dark Energy Spectroscopic Instrument (DESI) and Euclid, deliver ever more detailed maps of the universe, this assumption can finally be properly tested.

In our new paper, we uncover evidence that the distribution of galaxies does not become uniform on the largest scales we can currently test. Using DESI data, we find directional patterns extending across distances of several billion light years.

If confirmed, our results would force physicists to rethink some basic ideas about the universe, including what dark matter is, and how gravity shapes matter on the largest scales.

A model that worked remarkably well

The cosmological principle underpins the standard cosmological model, which provides a recipe for the universe: roughly 5% ordinary matter, 25% dark matter and 70% dark energy (represented by the Greek letter Λ). This is known as the standard Lambda Cold Dark Matter (ΛCDM) model.

The model has been remarkably successful. For example, it describes the expansion history of the universe, the formation of light elements after the Big Bang and the cosmic microwave background – ancient light released when the universe first became transparent – with impressive precision.

However, this success has also made the growing observational tensions harder to ignore.

The rate of cosmic expansion is known as the Hubble constant, but precise estimates of the present expansion rate of the universe do not all agree. This has led to a much-debated challenge of the ΛCDM model – the Hubble tension.

Recent observations of ancient galaxies by the James Webb telescope also put into question our understanding of early cosmic structure formation.

However, many recognize the most perplexing puzzle is an anomalously large dipole – a “one direction versus the opposite direction” asymmetry in the sky – in the distribution of very distant quasars and radio galaxies. This is in stark contrast with the ΛCDM model.

Finally, last year data from DESI have challenged the very nature of dark energy, which may not be a constant as assumed. This shakes the foundation of modern cosmology.

Investigating large-scale cosmic structures

DESI is building one of the most detailed three-dimensional maps of the universe yet made, measuring galaxy positions in the sky and their redshifts, which tell us how far away they are.

Our work asks whether the matter distribution really is becoming smooth and directionless on the largest scales we can observe. In other words, is the cosmological principle supported by our best data?

To test this, we used a technique which measures the probability of finding a galaxy at a given distance and along a specific direction from another galaxy.

We computed this for all galaxy pairs and averaged the result.

If galaxies are distributed uniformly, those pair directions should be evenly spread. If galaxies sit in long filaments or walls, more pairs will line up along particular directions.

A persistent cosmic web

Applying this to DESI galaxies, we found a clear directional signal. Galaxy pairs were not randomly oriented but rather aligned, tracing coherent filaments and walls.

This would not be surprising if the signal weakened at larger scales. Instead, the patterns persisted over enormous distances, extending to several billion light years in the deepest samples.

The cosmic web did not appear to fade into a uniform, directionless distribution on the largest scales we could test.

Even on the largest scales, the universe seems closer to a tangled yarn rather than a misty fog.

We then compared the observations with simulated universes based on the standard ΛCDM model. The difference was striking. The simulated universes showed weaker and smaller directional patterns in the matter distribution. The real DESI data showed stronger structures, persisting across much larger distances.

What this means

Our results suggest that, within the standard model, there has not been enough time for structures this large to form.

If galaxies follow the overall distribution of mass, including dark matter, the pattern in galaxy locations calls into question our assumption that the universe is roughly uniform at large enough scales.

One possible explanation is that dark matter can interact in complicated, unexpected ways, beyond those included in the simplest models.

Another is that we need a more complex general description of the Universe, one that allows large-scale inhomogeneities to play a greater role. Or the answer may be something else altogether.

Our results reveal coherent structures spanning billions of light years, much larger than expected in the standard cosmological model. If confirmed, they would directly violate the cosmological principle.

This would suggest that matter remains organized into large-scale patterns over much greater distances than currently thought. The next step is not speculation, but measurement.

Future data from DESI, Euclid and other surveys will be crucial. If the evidence persists, cosmologists may need new models of structure formation and a revised picture of the Universe on the largest scales.

Marco Galoppo is a PhD candidate at the University of Canterbury and Francesco Sylos Labini is research director at Enrico Fermi Research Institute

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Zelenskyy cuts Irish visit short as intelligence warns of Russian massive attack

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Zelenskyy cuts Irish visit short as intelligence warns of Russian massive attack


Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy cut short his visit to Dublin on Wednesday, warning that the Kremlin would soon launch a new large-scale attack on Ukraine.

Zelenskyy was attending the first day of the Irish Presidency of the Council of the European Union and, during a press conference with Taoiseach Micheál Martin, told reporters he would leave Ireland immediately.

“We know that Putin has been preparing this massive strike against Ukraine for some time,” Zelenskyy said. “Tonight, that is the threat we are facing,” he continued, warning his citizens to heed air raid alerts.

He thanked his Irish counterpart, emphasizing that “throughout all these years of this war, there has been consistent support” from Ireland, despite the country’s longstanding policy of military neutrality.

In late May and early June, the Kremlin launched massive air attacks on Ukraine, killing more than 14 people and injuring many more. In recent months, Kyiv has struggled to defend against Russian ballistic missiles, especially as it runs low on American-made Patriot interceptors.

Via Politico

Qatar, President Trump Claim Doha Talks Were Productive; Negotiations To Continue 

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Qatar, President Trump Claim Doha Talks Were Productive; Negotiations To Continue 


The United States, Iran, Qatar and Pakistan reported progress in indirect negotiations in Doha aimed at advancing discussions on a broader agreement tied to the memorandum of understanding signed in Islamabad, with both Washington and Doha expressing optimism about the latest round of talks. 

Qatar’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson, Majed al-Ansari, said mediators from Qatar and Pakistan held separate meetings in Doha with US and Iranian negotiating teams and made headway on issues related to the memorandum of understanding. 

“Negotiators from Qatar and Pakistan concluded separate meetings in Doha with negotiating teams from the US and Iran, achieving positive progress on issues related to the memorandum of understanding signed in Islamabad,” al-Ansari said. He added that “the parties agreed to continue discussions in the near future after setting a date as soon as possible, following the conclusion of Ali Khamenei’s funeral ceremonies.” 

President Donald Trump also welcomed the outcome of the meetings. 

“They’ve had very good meetings, and we’ll see,” President Trump told reporters before boarding the new, Qatari-gifted Air Force One. “The denuclearization of Iran is moving along well.” 

Iran is holding funeral ceremonies for Ali Khamenei, the previous supreme leader who was killed in an airstrike on February 28. The ceremonies are scheduled to begin on Saturday, July 4, and conclude with an official burial in his birthplace, Mashhad, on July 9. 

Iranian officials are seeking international recognition of their authority over the Strait of Hormuz and the right to charge transit fees, the Times of Israel reported. The Trump administration has repeatedly maintained that passage through the strategic waterway should remain free. 

Axios reported that US. negotiators sought to persuade their Iranian counterparts that financial incentives tied to a nuclear agreement would ultimately yield greater benefits than imposing tolls on ships transiting the Strait of Hormuz. 

A source familiar with the discussions said Jared Kushner, President Donald Trump’s son-in-law, and special envoy Steve Witkoff were in Doha but did not participate in the technical negotiations. Instead, they met separately with Qatar’s prime minister, while the chief negotiators and subject-matter experts conducted the formal sessions. 

The talks followed the signing of the US-Iran memorandum of understanding two weeks earlier, which established a 60-day deadline for negotiating a comprehensive agreement on Iran’s nuclear program. Negotiations on that final agreement have not yet begun, with disagreements over the Strait of Hormuz and Israel’s conflict with Hezbollah in Lebanon remaining major obstacles. 

 

 

 

After spooking Trump into safety testing, Anthropic AI models get global release

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After spooking Trump into safety testing, Anthropic AI models get global release

The US has lifted export curbs on Anthropic’s newest Claude models, Fable 5 and Mythos 5, about three weeks after the Trump administration flagged the models as national security risks.

As of today, Anthropic confirmed in a blog post, Fable 5 will be available globally, and US organizations have had access restored to Mythos 5 since June 26. Anthropic said it is now working with the government to expand Mythos access to a “broader set of domestic and international partners in the Glasswing program.” That program allows cybersecurity researchers at trusted companies to access Mythos for defensive purposes.

In a letter to Anthropic viewed by Reuters and The New York Times, Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick said Anthropic would “no longer need a license for exports or in-country transfers of its Claude Mythos and Claude Fable AI models.” The letter acknowledged that Anthropic had “taken steps in close coordination with the US government to address the risks” posed by the models.

Facing a longer delay in its models’ releases, Lutnick said that Anthropic agreed to expand its partnership with the government. The company said it also set up a program to work with hackers to red-team its models, and there’s now a dedicated internal team to monitor reports of emerging jailbreak threats 24/7.

In the letter, Lutnick reminded Anthropic that the US “reserves the right to re-evaluate the decisions” and reimpose export curbs at any point. But for now, Lutnick joined White House Chief of Staff Susie Wiles in celebrating Fable 5’s redeployment on X.

“Over the past two weeks, we have worked closely with Anthropic to analyze and approve Fable 5 to ensure alignment across the US Government and strengthen America’s leadership in AI,” Lutnick said.

Wiles did not directly mention Anthropic but claimed a win for Trump, writing that “the government and private sector have worked together in a way we have never seen before and this foundation of America First is unprecedented. Our shared priority remains: get the best tech deployed as quickly and safely as possible.”

Trade-off: Fable 5 may block routine coding tasks

On June 12, the Commerce Department ordered Anthropic to shut off access to its most advanced models for anyone outside the US. The order emerged from fears that China, Russia, or other countries of concern may exploit the models to attack US infrastructure, like the electric grid or the banking system. In response, Anthropic shut down all access, as it didn’t have a way to block users by country.

In particular, Mythos was viewed as “uniquely attractive to malicious actors who wish to misuse it in cyberattacks,” Anthropic’s blog said. According to Anthropic, the model “can be used to find and exploit software vulnerabilities more effectively than any other model—and all but the most skilled human security experts,” and those “prodigious cybersecurity capabilities” could be used against the US.

Fable 5 shares the “same underlying model,” Anthropic said, but unlike Mythos 5, it “provides no such unique offensive capabilities.” Designed for the general public, Fable 5 already had the strongest safeguards Anthropic has ever applied to a model, and Anthropic said those safeguards are now even stronger ahead of redeployment.

After weeks of testing, Fable 5 is no longer vulnerable to a bypassing method discovered by Amazon researchers that identified several software vulnerabilities and triggered the export curbs. Most troublingly, Anthropic said, was a case in which the model was manipulated into producing code that demonstrated how a vulnerability could be exploited.

According to Anthropic, testing confirmed that less advanced rival models on the market, like GPT-5.5 and Kimi K2.7, “could identify the same vulnerabilities as Fable 5 did in the report.” That confirmed that “the reported technique did not expose any unique Mythos-level cyber capabilities,” Anthropic said, and “only involved routine defensive cybersecurity work.”

“Even so, we moved quickly to address the reported bypass,” Anthropic wrote. That jailbreak method is currently blocked in over 99 percent of cases, Anthropic said. However, tightening safeguards came with a “trade-off” that may cause some benign prompts to be blocked “during routine coding and debugging tasks,” the company acknowledged.

“Working closely with the government, we trained an improved safety classifier that targets and blocks the behavior described in the report,” Anthropic said. “Users will be notified if a request to Fable 5 is blocked, and the request will instead be sent to Opus 4.8.”

Of course, Anthropic’s new classifier, which helps avoid uniquely dangerous attacks on the models, can make “mistakes,” Anthropic said. The company has long maintained that it’s “probably impossible” to build a model fully “impervious” to jailbreaks, but by ramping up red-teaming, Anthropic hopes to “ensure that we and our safety partners will be the first to find major jailbreaks and fix them before malicious actors can use them for harm.”

The attack Amazon flagged currently works only in a “very small fraction of cases,” where “the model may provide information that isn’t detailed enough to help a cyberattacker,” Anthropic said.

By being “cautious,” Anthropic said that “the vast majority of jailbreaks will not successfully unblock dangerous behaviors” and will be “very costly and high-effort to produce.”

“Even if a jailbreak is successful, our extra layers of defense”—which requires some blocking of benign requests—“provide additional mitigation,” the company said.

Anthropic’s plan to score jailbreaks

Anthropic’s blog post seems to downplay the threat that Amazon identified as less risky than what it considers the greatest threat to governments: universal jailbreaks that can unlock a wide range of vulnerabilities and enable unforeseeable attacks.

To streamline the private-public partnership and ensure the most rapid response to the biggest risks, Anthropic said the AI industry’s goal should be categorizing risks to ensure proper interventions both internally and from the government.

Currently, Anthropic is working with Amazon, Microsoft, Google, and other Glasswing partners to “draft a consensus framework for assessing the severity of AI jailbreaks and how AI developers should respond to them.”

Other industry partners are welcome to join those talks, Anthropic said, even though the process is “imperfect” and focuses on establishing four criteria for scoring a jailbreak. Those include assessing how much capability the jailbreak provides, how many offensive tasks it enables, how easy it is for a human to weaponize a jailbreak (single-prompt jailbreaks are flagged as the riskiest), and whether it requires specialist knowledge to discover the jailbreak.

Using this framework, Anthropic has built a team that will monitor jailbreak submission channels 24/7, the blog said. The AI firm also confirmed that it is launching a “a new HackerOne program through which security researchers can submit potential cyber jailbreaks they’ve discovered in Fable 5” to keep red-teaming a top priority.

Anthropic deepens government ties

For Anthropic, one outcome of government testing seems to be an improved relationship with the government after it sued the US over a national security risk designation that blacklisted the AI firm. Anthropic claimed the designation was retaliation after the company’s refusal to grant government access to models for the purposes of building autonomous weapons or conducting domestic mass surveillance.

In its blog, Anthropic said it is expanding its commitments to working with government partners on pre-deployment testing and evaluation. Those efforts will include giving the government early access to frontier models, rapidly sharing information on new jailbreak methods, and dedicating resources to joint research that will “help advance the state of the art in AI evaluation,” Anthropic said.

The collaboration offers “the beginnings of a template for effective global coordination on the risks and benefits of AI,” Anthropic said, while urging Congress to pass laws to ensure that all frontier model developers are on the same page.

The government is moving too slowly for Anthropic’s comfort. Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei floated his legislative proposal earlier this month, making a Lord of the Rings reference to emphasize his point:

In one of the side plots to The Lord of the Rings, two of the Hobbits attempt to rouse Treebeard—a wise but ponderous sentient tree—to defend his forest from an army that is cutting it down. The problem is that Treebeard operates at a very different speed than the Hobbits. It takes him a full day simply to say hello to another tree, so getting him and his peers to act fast enough is nearly impossible. The intersection of AI and our political institutions feels a bit like the Hobbits and Treebeard.

Initially, Trump planned to be hands-off on AI regulations in an attempt to spur innovation. However, Anthropic’s Mythos release spooked Trump into requesting voluntary safety testing of frontier models in May. Since then, Trump is “still working on a framework for how companies should formally submit new AI models for review, and what standards they would be held to,” two people familiar with the discussions told the NYT.

In his post, Amodei called on Congress to act quickly to reimagine safety regulations for a world in which “AI can go from an amusing toy” to a “full country of geniuses in a data center,” or else risk suffering “national strategic” consequences.

However, Isaac Harris, executive director of Frontier Security Institute, a nonprofit focused on AI and national security, told Reuters that the “biggest question mark” after Anthropic’s deepened partnership with the government is “how equivalently dangerous capabilities coming from China with less guardrails will be handled by the administration in the US market.”

Notably, Anthropic recently accused Chinese AI firm Alibaba of launching the largest cloning attack on Claude. In response, Anthropic urged Congress to pass laws that would punish Chinese firms found stealing US firms’ work. If not, malicious actors who can’t get their hands on Anthropic’s models might turn to Chinese models with lower safeguards and increasingly closer capabilities to launch attacks that blindside the US.

Iconic British Actor Dies at 82

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Iconic British Actor Dies at 82


Veteran British actor Michael Byrne, the familiar face who appeared in everything from Indiana Jones to Harry Potter has died.

He was 82.

Byrne passed away on June 20, according to his representative, who confirmed the sad news in a statement but did not reveal a cause of death.

“It is with great sadness that we announce the passing of Michael Byrne,” the representative said. “Michael will be remembered as an extraordinary actor whose talent, warmth, and sense of humour touched so many.”

For many movie fans, Byrne was instantly recognizable from his role in Indiana Jones and the Last Crusade, where he appeared alongside Alison Doody in the 1989 adventure classic.

Decades later, he found a new generation of fans when he stepped into the wizarding world of Harry Potter, playing the older version of Gellert Grindelwald, the infamous dark wizard whose shadow loomed over the franchise.

But Byrne’s career stretched far beyond those blockbuster roles.

The actor worked steadily for more than seven decades, building a remarkable résumé that included film, television and theater. According to Variety, he appeared in more than 170 projects over the course of his long career.

Byrne began acting on television in the 1960s, landing early roles in shows such as No Hiding Place, Silent Playground and ITV Saturday Night Theatre.

His film career began in 1963 with The Scarlet Blade, which was later released in the U.S. under the title The Crimson Blade.

He also appeared in Mel Gibson’s Oscar-winning epic Braveheart, playing Smythe, a brutal soldier in the bloody historical drama.

Before becoming a familiar face on screens, Byrne also built a serious stage career. He performed in multiple productions with Laurence Olivier’s National Theatre Company, including Romeo and Juliet, The Cherry Orchard, Much Ado About Nothing, The Double Dealer and The Seagull.

He also appeared in Death and the Maiden at the Royal Court.

His final listed screen credit came in 2023, according to IMDb, marking the end of a career that spanned generations of British entertainment.

Byrne may not have always been the biggest name on the poster, but he was the kind of actor audiences never forgot — the dependable, sharp, scene-stealing performer who brought weight and menace to every role he touched.

His death marks the loss of another veteran character actor whose work quietly helped shape some of the biggest movies and shows of the last half-century.

Socialists Are Surging. In Colorado, a 29-Year Incumbent Is Sweating.

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Socialists Are Surging. In Colorado, a 29-Year Incumbent Is Sweating.


Rep. Diana DeGette has had a tough few weeks. 

The Colorado Democrat is facing her first competitive primary in her 30-year House career on Tuesday. After a series of confrontations with voters — including a public meltdown in a coffee shop — an unfavorable poll kept out of public view, and speculation that she called on powerful allies to pressure venues to cancel planned participation in a rally for her opponent, a slew of new super PACs swooped in to keep DeGette’s campaign afloat in the final weeks of the race — including one funded by the pro-Israel lobby. 

While DeGette has spent the campaign’s home stretch defending her record as a progressive, her leading opponent, democratic socialist Melat Kiros, has never been more optimistic. 

After leftist candidates rode to victory in New York last week on a growing wave of anti-incumbent sentiment, Kiros said her campaign saw a major uptick in donors and volunteers. A coalition of leftist organizations backing her has run an aggressive field campaign and say they’ve out-organized DeGette, who didn’t take the challenge seriously at first and was almost kicked off the ballot in March. In a district full of the kinds of young voters who helped socialists win last week in New York, Kiros’s backers say a similar coalition could power another socialist challenger to topple the Colorado incumbent on Tuesday.

“While the Democratic establishment reveals its contempt for its own voters by lashing out against the candidates their base elected, our candidates keep winning by taking on the corporate interests raising our prices to deliver a positive vision to make life more affordable for working class voters — from Medicare for All to ending taxpayer-funded genocide,” said Usamah Andrabi, communications director for Justice Democrats, which is backing Kiros.

DeGette’s challenge is emblematic of a wake-up call for many Democratic incumbents this midterms cycle, Andrabi said: Even being relatively “progressive” is no longer enough to fend off a challenger from the left, let alone to keep your seat

“Voters are done watching Democrats take corporate PAC money and then wonder why nobody trusts them to fight,” Kiros said in a statement to The Intercept. “They are done with representatives who show up six weeks before a primary because a challenger finally scared them into it. The energy that showed up in New York is the same energy that’s showing up in Denver and we are ready for Tuesday night.”

Another progressive strategist who works with congressmembers and candidates and requested anonymity in order to speak freely said DeGette’s backers were worried. “Across multiple districts we’re seeing Dem primary voters unwilling to accept the usual platitudes from incumbents about their work ‘standing up to Trump’ as sufficient to earn their support,” they said.

“Voters across the spectrum are deeply frustrated with the Democratic Party’s ineffectiveness, and feel like many of these incumbents have been all talk and no action in this term,” they said. “There is broad anti-establishment sentiment that creates real opportunity for a next-generation challenger like in CO-01.”

The influx of super PAC spending for DeGette in the final days of the race came even as she had painted herself as further to the left. The incumbent has name-dropped Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., for example, in campaign ads, a candidate forum, and an interview.

And while DeGette has said repeatedly she isn’t backed by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, pro-DeGette super PAC money came from one of several groups used this cycle by United Democracy Project, the super PAC for AIPAC, to back its preferred candidates without publicly getting involved in races. United Democracy Project provided more than a third of the money raised this year by the group behind the ads.

“AIPAC’s desperation to stop the pro-Palestinian movement’s momentum and our candidates bringing this fight forward proves just how much they are losing the Democratic Party,” Andrabi said. 

DeGette has banked her reelection on reminding voters that she’s a progressive. Pointing to her three decades in Congress and a late endorsement from her Congressional Progressive Caucus colleague, former chair Rep. Pramila Jayapal, D-Wash., DeGette has warned that electing Kiros — who was born the year after DeGette was first elected and who the incumbent says has no political experience or capital — comes with risks. 

Kiros’s backers are using DeGette’s long record against her. They argue she has little to show for her 15 terms in Congress and say the wave of young voters turning out to oust incumbents and back leftist candidates across the country will work against her.

Throughout her time in Congress, DeGette has expressed her support for all the right marquee progressive priorities. She’s reminded voters that she helped write the Medicare for All bill and is the top Democrat on the committee that could make it a reality, and led fights to protect healthcare, the right to abortion, and the environment. 

But her critics, including Kiros, say she’s rested on those laurels and done little to leverage her seniority in the Democratic caucus to pass meaningful legislation on those issues — and that part of her inaction is tied to her donors. 

“The DeGette team clearly was not in the community talking to voters, because that is the only way they could have missed the energy behind our campaign and the hunger for leadership that is unbought and unafraid,” Kiros said. 

Kiros and others have pointed to DeGette’s longtime support from the pharmaceutical industry, one of Medicare for All’s greatest foes, as a major reason she’s allowed the legislation to languish. DeGette has promised voters that if they reelect her and Democrats win the House this year, she’ll finally take over the House Energy and Commerce subcommittee on health, where she has served as ranking member since January 2025 and been a member since 2017, and bring the bill up for a vote. 

There’s also the issue of Israel and Palestine. Despite naming her progressive bonafides, DeGette has described herself as pro-Israel and has a mixed record on related legislation. She’s not endorsed by AIPAC, but its super PAC is funding one of the groups spending against Kiros, an outspoken critic of Israel’s genocide in Gaza who was fired for writing a post criticizing big law firms, including her employer, for blacklisting pro-Palestine protesters.

The group running the ads, Pro-Choice Majority Action, formed in May as an affiliate of EDW Action, which received $1 million from United Democracy Project between April and May. That’s about a third of the $2.7 million EDW Action reported since January. Another pro-Israel group, DMFI PAC, gave EDW Action $37,750 in April.

“Our endorsements are based on a candidate’s record of fighting for women and families, not on foreign policy,” a spokesperson for Pro-Choice Majority Action told The Intercept. “In fact, our endorsed candidates have held a wide range of views on Israel and the broader foreign policy debate within the Democratic Party. When other organizations support one of our candidates, we sometimes work together to amplify our message about that candidate’s record of fighting for women.”

United Democracy Project and DMFI PAC did not respond to requests for comment.

“Their support for a 30-year congresswoman who they don’t even publicly endorse is far less about Diana DeGette and far more about the extremes they have to go to blunt the momentum of first-time candidates like Melat who represent the will of the Democratic majority,” Andrabi said. 

“We are seeing a new generation of leaders elected by a new generation of young people who are approaching politics with moral clarity,” said Denae Ávila-Dickson, a spokesperson for the youth-led Sunrise Movement, which is backing Kiros. “These elections make one thing clear: Candidates who are unapologetic about opposing the genocide in Gaza, willing to take on billionaires and corporate power, and committed to fighting for working people are the ones inspiring young voters.”

The winner of the Democratic primary in heavily blue Denver is almost certain to be elected in November. And if Democrats win the House — the party in power tends to lose midterm seats, but Republicans are pushing forward aggressive plans to gerrymander and pass new voting restrictions — DeGette says Democrats will finally have the leverage they need to really stand up to President Donald Trump.

The DeGette campaign did not respond to The Intercept’s request for comment.

DeGette’s detractors say a lack of urgency beyond just Medicare for All characterizes her record — and that she’s only been beating the M4A drum because she’s facing a credible challenger. Only seven bills she’s sponsored over her 29 years in Congress have become law or been enacted through other bigger bills, according to GovTrack. Most representatives pass zero or one bill each term, and Congress is in an era where historic levels of partisan gridlock mean it’s passing fewer bills than it ever has.

While legislation passed is only one of several measures of a member’s activity in Congress, DeGette’s Colorado colleague, Rep. Joe Neguse, a member of House Democratic leadership first elected in 2018, had 22 bills enacted in his first two terms — the most of any member last session. In 2024, the four Republican representatives with more than 10 years in office who had the most legislation enacted into law passed six bills each.

“No seat is safe when an establishment Democrat is taking millions from corporate PACs and calling it representation,” Kiros said. “The voters are ahead of the party establishment, and they have been for a while. The question is whether the party is finally ready to listen or whether they’re going to keep learning this lesson the hard way.”

Update: July 1, 2026
This story has been updated with a comment from Pro-Choice Majority Action.

Japan’s gray-zone resilience runs through civilian industry

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Japan’s gray-zone resilience runs through civilian industry

This article first appeared on Pacific Forum and is republished with permission. Read the original here.

KDDI’s cable-laying and repair capacity, Japan’s intervention in the Makino Milling Machine acquisition, and the Daikin–Shin-Etsu–Hitachi–Tokyo Eco Recycle rare-earth magnet project would seem to belong to separate policy worlds. One concerns digital infrastructure, another industrial equipment and another material recovery.

Together, they point to an infrastructural challenge Japan must plan to surmount. Japan’s civilian industries and defense systems often depend on the same infrastructure, and when disruption occurs below the threshold of open conflict, Japan must be able to keep civilian functions working while restoring defense-relevant systems.

Gray-zone conflict is the setting Japan is more likely to face first. A subsea cable may be damaged without clear attribution, or a port or airport communications system may be disrupted by cyber operations.

Incidents like these cost time, money and manpower before officials can say whether the cause was accidental, criminal or coercive. As an archipelagic state, Japan cannot separate civilian infrastructure from defense readiness.

Tokyo has already acknowledged part of this challenge, but the structure remains incomplete. Japan’s National Security Strategy identifies gray-zone situations, cyberattacks on critical civilian infrastructure, and information warfare as pressures that blur the line between peacetime and contingency.

The Defense Buildup Program also treats the defense production and technology base as part of defense capability, while recognizing that advanced civilian technologies can shape future operations.

Recent fiscal year 2026 defense materials apply this logic to public infrastructure by designating selected airports and seaports for smoother Self-Defense Forces and Japan Coast Guard use, with road access to SDF bases added to the initiative from fiscal year 2025. These are important steps, but designation is only the beginning.

What Tokyo must decide now is which civilian systems are most exposed to gray-zone disruption and which failures would most quickly permeate both defense operations and civilian life. Japan cannot harden every port, cable, supplier, road, airport, cloud system and industrial firm equally.

In a gray-zone setting, priority should go to systems that must keep operating before Tokyo has all the information required for a decision. If an airport transport system is hacked, a port operating platform is compromised, or fuel logistics are interrupted, local authorities and private operators cannot freeze until attribution is clear.

The same access problem extends offshore. Japan is a major Indo-Pacific cable node. A CSIS report notes that Japan has more than 20 international submarine cable landing stations and around 30 active or announced international cable systems.

Those cables give Japan digital importance, but they also create a physical resilience problem. A damaged cable must be reached by a vessel, handled by trained crews, and restored through arrangements that often sit in private or commercial hands.

Japan has domestic strengths in this area. KDDI Cable Infinity works on construction and repair of domestic and international telecommunications submarine cables. A cable break may first appear as a commercial repair problem rather than a national security incident. That makes cable resilience part of Japan’s broader access challenge, rather than an isolated telecommunications issue.

Access and connectivity can allow Japan to keep moving during the early phase of disruption. Recovery then depends on the industrial capacity to repair what has been damaged.

A compromised logistics platform, delayed spare-part movement, restricted port access, or uncertainty around contractor responsibilities could create adverse operational effects without producing a clear military confrontation.

Japan’s intervention in MBK Partners’ proposed acquisition of Makino Milling Machine further illustrates a shift in how Tokyo views its broader defense apparatus. The case shows a more expansive view of defense-adjacent industry, where companies outside the traditional defense sector can still become relevant to national security. 

METI lists machine tools and industrial robots among Japan’s specified critical products, alongside permanent magnets, aircraft parts, semiconductors, storage batteries, cloud programs, natural gas, critical minerals and ship parts. The firms and inputs that sustain defense capability often sit in ordinary industrial systems before they appear in security planning.

Material supply also matters because resilience also depends on what Japan can recover from its own civilian economy. The rare-earth magnet recycling project involving Daikin, Shin-Etsu Chemical, Hitachi, and Tokyo Eco Recycle provides a new pathway for material recovery.

These companies are developing a system to recover rare-earth magnets from commercial air-conditioner compressors and return them to magnet production. This further illustrates the connection between civilian commercial networks and defense-relevant industrial needs.

All of this demonstrates that Tokyo cannot treat gray-zone resilience as a traditional defense-industrial problem alone. A crisis below the threshold of open conflict may affect civilian infrastructure before it reaches the systems usually classified as defense. That makes ports, cables, repair capacity and material recovery part of the operational environment.

Tokyo has taken important steps within individual sectors, but gray-zone disruption will move across them. A holistic framework should build from these existing policy decisions and connect civilian infrastructure and commercial firms to Japan’s defense-industrial needs.

Two concrete steps would help. First, Japan should map defense-adjacent dependency chains for ambiguous disruption rather than clean wartime scenarios. The map should show where the same authorities, repair assets, emergency permissions, communications systems, and logistics providers would be needed by more than one system at the same time.

It should also identify which actions can begin before disruption attribution is clearly established. This could include protocols for rerouting cargo, maintaining backup communications, authorizing repair access for dual-use infrastructure and coordinating public-private action during disruption.

Second, public support for defense-adjacent industries should include crisis roles that can activate before blame is assigned. Firms across the defense-adjacent industrial base should know what they are expected to do when ordinary commercial systems are disrupted. Waiting for attribution allows operational disruption more time to spread. This should include two layers of preparation.

For the public, Japan should prepare clear guidance on how residents and businesses should respond during infrastructure disruption, where official information will come from, and which services may be temporarily rerouted or limited.

For industry and government, the protocol should be more operational: who contacts whom, who can authorize action, what can proceed under commercial procedures and when a disruption moves into a defense or interagency chain of command.

Japan should also treat this as a regional agenda because gray-zone disruption will not stop at Japan’s coastline. Submarine cables and other infrastructures that run through international space require pre-established repair processes before a crisis occurs.

Japan and its partners need standing arrangements that allow operators, vessels, and authorities to move quickly across jurisdictions without turning every scenario into a new diplomatic negotiation.

A particular focus should be on whether private industry can conduct repairs under commercial procedures or whether certain disruptions would require more traditional defense agreements between militaries.

Japan’s geography makes this work unavoidable. The most likely tests may come through ambiguous disruptions rather than open conflict. Tokyo’s ability to repair these disruptions quickly will determine whether gray-zone pressure remains manageable or spreads into a wider crisis.

Christian Cerne (christian@pacforum.org) is a research intern at Pacific Forum and a master’s candidate in International and Development Studies at the Geneva Graduate Institute. His work focuses on strategic resource diplomacy and economic security in the Asia-Pacific.

A good little EV you won’t be able to buy soon: The Volvo EX30 Cross Country

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A good little EV you won’t be able to buy soon: The Volvo EX30 Cross Country

Did you know the average new vehicle in the US grew an inch (25 mm) wider and 22 inches (558 mm) longer between 2013 and 2023? That’s probably obvious to anyone who steps foot outside these days, and it’s a trend that we ought to reverse. Bigger cars might make their occupants feel more secure, but they invariably need more energy to get where they’re going. And with f=ma being what it is, bigger vehicles tend to leave a lasting and deleterious effect on anything unlucky enough to be the other party in a collision. That makes today’s tale a rather bittersweet one, because the Volvo EX30 could be the perfect antidote.

It’s a compact and efficient electric crossover with a tiny carbon footprint but no compromises on safety, and it would be perfect for the current moment, except that Volvo recently decided to stop importing the car to the US. With the order books now closed, once the ~1,200-odd cars left in inventory are gone, they’re gone.

After teasing us for a while, Volvo finally showed off the EX30 for real in 2023. At the time, the headline news was its price: $34,950 for the rear-wheel drive version before any tax credit. That would have made it one of the cheaper EVs available for sale in the US, but with Volvo’s premium badge attached. That was before geopolitics got involved.

Volvo EX30 in profile.

By anyone’s standards this is a compact EV.

Volvo EX30 from the rear 3/4 angle

Its small size makes it simple to live with.

Its diminutive purchase price was predicated on being cheap to manufacture in Zhangjiakou, China. However, heavy tariffs on Chinese-made cars were levied by the Biden administration in 2024, then by the Trump administration the following year, causing Volvo to delay imports while it instead shifted production of US-destined cars to its factory in Ghent, Belgium.

However, European-made cars are still subject to a 25 percent tariff, which jacked up the starting price of the EX30 to $40,345 (including destination charge) for the rear-wheel drive version, or $46,345 for the twin-motor all-wheel drive version.

Our test car is the EX30 Cross Country, which takes the all-wheel-drive EX30 and adds more ground clearance and some cladding and underbody protection that’s just as useful in a crumbling urban environment or tight Trader Joe’s parking garage as it is on an unpaved forest road. However, this pushes the starting price to nearly $50,000. That might be about the current average new transaction price, but it’s a lot to ask Americans to pay for a compact SUV, particularly an electric one with just 227 miles (365 km) of range.

A Volvo EX30 cross country charging

Charging was trouble-free.

Charging was trouble-free. Credit: Jonathan Gitlin

Plenty of zip

The twin-motor powertrain certainly provides the EX30 Cross Country with plenty of pep: 422 hp (315 kW) and 400 lb-ft (542 Nm) from a pair of identical motors at the front and rear axles. That’s sufficient for a 0–62 mph (0–100 km/h) in just 3.7 seconds, although the 18-inch all-terrain wheel kit (a $3,495 option) fitted to our test car may have made that a little slower. Indeed, I left this little EV in Range mode for most of my week, which both reduces overall motor power and gives you a gentler throttle map, blunting acceleration somewhat.

The motors are powered by a 65 kWh (net; 69 kWh gross) lithium-ion battery pack, which can DC fast-charge at up to 153 kW and should take a little less than 27 minutes to go from 10 to 80 percent state of charge. Although Volvo announced in 2023 that it would adopt the NACS plug by 2025 for US-market EVs, this didn’t happen for the EX30, which still features a CCS1 socket. In practice, it took me 21 minutes to charge from 49 to 82 percent (25.6 kWh). At that state of charge, the car reported an estimated 152 miles (245 km) of range, with the air conditioning running at an appropriate level for the humid mid-Atlantic summer.

As part of Volvo’s low-cost design, the EX30 makes do with a buttonless interior. There’s no separate main instrument display either; the top section of the central infotainment screen shows a persistent speed and drive mode display instead. The user experience is much like in other Volvos with heavy Android Automotive OS integration, although Android Auto and Apple CarPlay are present, so you can just cast your phone instead.

Volvo EX30 Cross Country rear seat

We’ve seen bigger back seats, but this is supposed to be a small car.

Volvo EX30 cross country cargo area

The cargo area.

Despite the minimalism and lack of physical controls, the EX30 interior isn’t a bad place to be—Volvo’s interior designers tend to understand the assignment well, and the textures and materials are pleasant to the touch. I was rather impressed with the storage built into the center console. The upper storage tray retracts into its housing, with the cup holder elements moving separately so you can use it for beverages or just storage, and the lower level has a hinged floor so you can stow loose items or cables for the USB-C ports that you’ll find here.

This is a small car: 166.7 inches (4,233 mm) long, 72.3 inches (1,838 mm) wide, and 62 inches (1,573 mm) tall, but the 104.3-inch (2,650 mm) wheelbase maximizes the interior space with minimal front and rear overhangs. That said, it’s not a TARDIS, with just 32.3 inches (821 mm) of rear leg room, and just 11.2 cubic feet (318 L) of cargo volume with the rear seats in use: if you need lots of room for teenagers and plenty of luggage capacity, the EX30 is too small for you.

I should also add that long-term reports for the EX30 haven’t been entirely glowing; Edmunds described its experience over a year as “a very frustrating car to live with.”

Volvo EX30 Cross Country center console

The center console is rather thoughtfully designed.

Volvo EX30 infotainment screen.

There is a setting to turn off the screen other than required information (and media controls).

If that still sounds enticing, then Volvo still has a little under 1,200 EX30s in inventory, and I imagine dealers are eager to get rid of them. Only about 250 of them are the Cross Country, and even fewer still are the regular RWD EX30—fewer than 50 currently. That is a shame, as I bet that one is really rather good.

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