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The Race to Build AI Data Centers — Before the People Can Protest

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The Race to Build AI Data Centers — Before the People Can Protest


Shark Tank’s Kevin O’Leary has been making the media rounds defending the 40,000-acre data center project he’s backing in northern Utah. Dismissing residents’ concerns over the environmental impacts and water demands of the proposed project in the drought-stricken Great Salt Lake region, O’Leary has claimed protesters are “bused in,” “misinformed,” and alleged that China has had a hand in orchestrating the public push back.

“The Stratos project in Utah is an example of data center largesse,” says Jim Walsh, the policy director of Food and Water Watch, an organization leading a campaign to stop the rapid development of data centers across the country. As proposed, the project would be more than double the size of Manhattan. Walsh adds, “It’s important to recognize that the impacts of this data center go beyond the water and energy concerns that impact the residents of Salt Lake. They’re going to be pulling gas from the Ruby Pipeline, and this project is going to perpetuate more fracking in the Western U.S., a practice for extracting natural gas that uses extreme amounts of water.”

This week on The Intercept Briefing, host Jordan Uhl speaks to Walsh about the massive Utah project, the environmental and economic impact of data centers on communities especially where water is already scarce, and the Trump administration’s push to cut regulations at the federal and local level to accelerate the build-out of data centers and AI infrastructure.

In response to O’Leary claiming data center development is a national security priority to beat out China in the AI race, Walsh says, “National security isn’t just about having technological and military superiority.” We’re not safe if we don’t have clean air and clean water to drink and breathe. We’re not safe if our communities have massive data centers that are extracting our natural resources. Our entire economy functions on access to water.”

For more, listen to the full conversation of The Intercept Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube or wherever you listen.

Transcript

Jordan Uhl: Welcome to The Intercept Briefing, I’m Jordan Uhl, your host today. 

Jessica Washington: I’m Jessica Washington, politics reporter at The Intercept. 

Jonah Valdez: And I’m Jonah Valdez, another politics reporter here at The Intercept. 

JU: So Jess, Jonah, we’re talking to you both today because the California primary is days away: June 2. While there are a few notable races that have captured national attention, one here where I live in Los Angeles is the mayoral primary.

We’ve got a few contenders. It is looking tight at the top with a few candidates jockeying for one of these top two positions. Jess, could you give us an overview of this race?

JW: As the only non-Angeleno on the podcast, I’m going to try and do a good job. So something important to keep in mind before we even get into the candidates is because of how California’s primary system works, if no candidate gets a majority of the vote — so over 50 percent — the top two are going to go off to a runoff election in November.

The candidates in this race are the incumbent mayor, Karen Bass. She has been leading in every poll, but it should have been really a slam-dunk election, and yet it isn’t. We can get into more of why in a minute. But her opponent is really interesting; two opponents are interesting. So first, there’s reality star Spencer Pratt, who has been consistently polling in second place, although in more recent polling he’s looking to lose a little bit of steam. Then the other candidate is council member Nithya Raman, a Democratic socialist who’s not endorsed by DSA LA, but is recommended by them. So that’s the mix that’s happening in this election right now.

JU: Jonah, there are a few other contenders that could be potentially pulling votes from Nithya Raman or might be waiting to decide till last minute. What is this looking like on the ground? Who have you talked to and what are you hearing?

JV: My focus has been on LA’s left, if you will, and how there might be what people are calling some vote-splitting among the left. And that’s because not only is there Nithya Raman who, as Jessie said, is a Democratic socialist, but there’s also Rev. Rae Huang, who is a housing advocate.

She’s a Presbyterian minister. She actually was in the race before Nithya and was the only DSA candidate, Democratic Socialist candidate, in the race at the time. She launched two weeks after Mamdani’s win in New York, so she has all this buzz going into it. The LA Times was asking, is she LA’s Mamdani?

So that’s the framing that she entered the race in, and it excited a lot of progressives here in the left in Los Angeles. But as soon as Nithya joined the race, very last minute, and the rise of Spencer Pratt, you have this threat of this right-wing figure. Sure, this is a nonpartisan election, but the things he’s saying, demonizing homelessness and really getting on Karen Bass around her record and the fires. There’s this tangible threat now that Spencer Pratt could be in the runoff with Karen Bass, which is a pretty worst-case scenario for LA’s left that is trying to push LA’s politics in a different direction.

Right now, the contention for a lot of voters in LA’s left is between, do I vote for Nithya Raman, someone who I at least agree with, but have to hold my nose on some issues, like police accountability, where she has fallen short in the eyes of some of her opponents? Or Rae Huang, who has a bolder vision? Some members of DSA LA have said that she has the true socialist platform amongst the two Democratic Socialist members. I should say that Rae Huang is only polling at about 5 percent. That’s nowhere near the second place spot to get into the runoff.

JU: We’re seeing a wide array of polling in this race, and there was a new poll that dropped on Thursday morning from Berkeley IGS, which had Bass, unsurprisingly, in the top spot with 26 percent. But in second place, this I think caught many people off guard, Nithya Raman at 25 percent, Spencer Pratt at 22, and Rae Huang at 9 percent, with 10 percent undecided. That presents a totally different outlook going into the general in this runoff. 

But Jess, I want to bring you back in here. Spencer Pratt was widely considered to have a guaranteed spot in the runoff because he had a ton of press, a ton of buzz, especially from outside LA. He had Trump’s endorsement. He’s been getting featured in national press.

One of the things that he really rose to prominence on was his criticism of Karen Bass, like Jonah said, for her, “handling of the fire.” But I think many people who live here felt that some of it was disingenuous because those fires were exacerbated by the Santa Ana winds. You can only do so much as mayor.

You can’t get helicopters up in the air in 80-mile-an-hour winds to fight those fires. So I think some of it came off as very disingenuous to people here in LA. But what are you hearing? What are you seeing from Spencer Pratt that puts him even in contention?

JW: For anyone who doesn’t know who Spencer Pratt is, he’s this former reality star from “The Hills.” He’s the guy who told People Magazine that he blew, I think, about $1 million on crystals, blowing through his $10 million reality television fortune on other lavish purchases. So that’s just a little bit of who Spencer Pratt is, the guy who yelled at women on television for about a decade.

But the reason he’s catching steam, I think, is twofold. I think, one, the fires are a very visceral moment. The mayor obviously has no control over the fires, but the fact that she was in Ghana during the Palisades fire did really anger a lot of people. The fact that she didn’t come home until the following day is a large part of that narrative.

The other thing that’s happening is also people’s concerns over homelessness. What Spencer Pratt is pushing is we have to arrest, arrest, arrest, force treatment. But if you talk to most people on this issue, homelessness is caused by housing, unaffordability, and inequality in our system, and those are huge issues to tackle.

Spencer Pratt is not looking to tackle those issues. He is looking to move people out of spaces where he and his friends can see them. It’s also worth noting that his plans of mass arrest also aren’t going to even fix that problem. But what you’re looking at in Los Angeles is frustration over Karen Bass’s handling of these fires and this kind of visible problem of homelessness that frustrates people on both sides of this issue.

That’s what Spencer Pratt has really honed in on. I think it’s important to note that none of his solutions are going to fix any of those problems, but he is tapping into a real anger and a real frustration in the electorate.

JU: Yeah I think what’s interesting to watch is the national support for Spencer Pratt. But that comes at a cost for him because 80 percent of his donors don’t live in Los Angeles, according to analysis that I saw from one Gabe Sanchez. And sure, you can run ads, you can get press, but that doesn’t necessarily mean that people within the city, within your jurisdiction, would vote for you. 

What I found so interesting and Jonah, I want to bring you back in here, people dug up some of his old appearances or guest appearances on Infowars with Alex Jones, and during one of those interviews, he talked about his belief that climate change was a hoax.

What I found so ironic is that this is somebody who made losing his home in the Palisades fire a centerpiece of his campaign, but we know that worsening climate change leads to more frequent and more severe wildfires. So on the one hand, you have somebody who believes it’s a hoax. At the same time, he’s making a byproduct of climate change the centerpiece of his campaign.

Jonah, what stood out to you?

JV: I think to Jessie’s point as far as demonizing the homeless population in LA, his rhetoric around that is concerning, not just on the level of, this is going to hurt a lot of the gains that housing advocates have fought for in LA County for years, but even just on the level of basic humanity.

He’s referred to unhoused people as fentanyl-addicted zombies. Like a constant refrain for him is telling people to go outside and go to your freeway underpass, talk to a homeless person, and ask them. He’s assuming they don’t want housing, that’s not what they want, they just want their next high. They just want to be on drugs. 

This is all in the face of studies showing that most people who do have drug addiction or in substance use addiction on the streets is a result of being unhoused — and not the other way around. And so I think he does exist in this bubble of distorted reality.

LA is still seen as this liberal bastion along with California as a whole, but there are a lot of folks here who voted just a couple years ago for someone like Rick Caruso, who preyed on a lot of these similar fears of course from a different standpoint of crime and safety. So these fearmongering tactics are being recycled again and again.

I was talking to sources yesterday, other voters, and there is some reality to what [Pratt is] saying, which is like LA is struggling. Angelenos are struggling. A lot of the nation is struggling economically, but how you diagnose that matters.

JU: So why has this mayoral election captured the national interest? Jess, I want to start with you, and then we’ll go to you, Jonah.

JW: It’s captured the national interest partially because it feels like this perfect allegory for the 2016 election. You have this Trumpian figure, you have liberal-left infighting, so I think that’s part of it. But I also think for someone like me, who cares a lot about policy around housing and homelessness, this is about the spread of very dangerous ideas about people, about the idea that we can call people zombies, we can mass arrest them, and these ideas around homelessness are spreading all across the country.

JV: For me, it’s a lot of the same questions that the left in LA is facing could be amplified to a national level as well, and a lot of this infighting, a lot of it is just lack of organization. And I think one example of that is for listeners who don’t know, there are actually four DSA members on city council, one of which is Nithya Raman, who is running.

However, three of those DSA members didn’t endorse their fellow DSA member for mayor. They actually endorsed the incumbent Mayor Bass. So a lot of that back and forth and mixed messaging to the public could really hurt movements and coalition-building. DSA LA has told me that’s one of the things they hope to fix, which is more organization within city council to increase their influence there, and that starts with being on the same page.

That messaging here and a lot of these lessons could be amplified on the national stage as well.

JW: We’ve also seen similar signals from the Trump administration with executive orders targeting the homeless population. The Supreme Court has also moved to weaken protections for unhoused people living on the streets.

These are policies and rhetoric that are truly taking root at the highest levels, and we need to be paying attention to them.

JU: And these hollow pandering overtures to different demographics, I think, are just jarring. Maybe it’s a byproduct of the Trump era, but just don’t garner the raised eyebrows that they typically would.

The headline I saw on Wednesday in TMZ that “Spencer Pratt loves Mexican food and Eats it More Than Any White Person in Los Angeles” made me laugh, but also I found myself feeling very confused. Like, why is this news? But it fits within a broader pattern from that campaign where he’s just trying to pander to the sizable Latino community in Los Angeles.

We see that also with his AI ads. Latinos for Pratt doesn’t seem to have an actual real or tangible base in the electorate. Maybe he does, but those AI ads have been widely mocked or parodied and some have gone viral, even those not made by his campaign.

The proliferation of AI ads in this cycle, I think, segues us into our next conversation with Jim Walsh, the policy director of Food and Water Watch, where we talked about the proliferation of AI data centers across the country.

JW: Let’s listen to that conversation.

JU: Jim Walsh, welcome to The Intercept Briefing.

Jim Walsh: Thanks for having me here, Jordan. I appreciate it.

JU: Jim, there are over 3,000 operational data centers across the country and more than 1,500 in development, according to Pew Research. Data centers aren’t new, but let’s start with the basics. What do they do, and how is the growing demand for AI transforming the energy needs of facilities?

JW: I think most people hear about data centers, they think about clouds and streaming and maybe searching or AI. But data centers themselves are these massive rows of servers that require large amounts of water infrastructure, electricity, cooling, land, and also backup power. The scale of these is really hard to grasp because most people don’t think in terawatt hours — but that’s exactly what we’re talking about for energy demand.

The Lawrence Berkeley National Lab found that U.S. data centers used about 176 terawatts of electricity in 2023. This is about how much electricity it takes to power 16 million homes for an entire year. And that number is expected to grow to 580 terawatts annually; it’s roughly equivalent to 50 million homes.

Data centers also use immense quantities of water. We’re talking hundreds of billions of gallons of water annually with projections that they’ll use as much as 18.5 million households by 2028. Nearly 60 percent of this coming from drinking water supplies. It’s really important to note that a lot of this is coming from drought-stressed areas that are compounding existing water scarcity concerns.

Beyond that, we’re also seeing that data centers can create significant pollution burdens for communities. When data centers use fossil fuels, they’re polluting our air and water to meet their energy needs, but the chemicals also used in cooling data centers can pollute our water. Even when chemicals aren’t used, evaporative cooling systems can concentrate pollution already in water.

We saw this happen in Oregon, where an Amazon data center was implicated and agreed to pay out $20 million due to elevated nitrate levels in water that coincided with the development of the data center. Now, Amazon never added nitrates to their water systems, but the water that came out of their facilities seemed to have increased the concentration of nitrates in the water because of water evaporation through their cooling systems.

Those elevated nitrate levels have been linked to increases in cancer and premature births and miscarriages in the communities where that data center is located.

JU: Now, in early May, a quasi-governmental agency in Utah approved a massive AI data center project. Known as the Stratos project, it is expected to cover more than 40,000 acres in northwestern Utah. For context, that’s more than twice the size of Manhattan.

The project, which is backed by the venture capitalist and “Shark Tank” regular Kevin O’Leary, has sparked local outrage. Could you tell us about this data center project and why community members are concerned?

JW: The Stratos project in Utah is an example of data center largesse. You talked about 40,000 acres, double the size of Manhattan. It also would double the state’s energy demand. It would also be located near the Great Salt Lake, which is already facing record droughts, like much of the United States. So it’s really no surprise that this and other projects in Utah are facing tremendous public opposition.

In response to the backlash, communities in Utah are putting the brakes on data centers, and the Utah legislature is actually gearing up to potentially require more reporting and studies on data center impacts. It’s important to recognize that the impacts of this data center go beyond the water and energy concerns that impact the residents of Salt Lake.

They’re going to be pulling gas from the Ruby Pipeline, and this project is going to perpetuate more fracking in the Western U.S., a practice for extracting natural gas that uses extreme amounts of water. That practice also has a track record of contaminating surface water and spreading radioactive waste generated from fracking operations.

And because of the segmented permitting process and the segmented evaluative process, nobody’s actually looking at the full impacts of this project or any data center projects, including the sources of energy. Which — if they’re going to be gas plants in the United States — probably means more fracking and more water pollution before you even get to the impacts of the data center themselves.

JU: Now, we should note, we invited Kevin O’Leary on this show to share his point of view. As of this recording, we have not heard back, but here he is on “Fox & Friends talking about the project recently.

Kevin O’Leary: Utah stepped up and said, “Look, we can compete. Not only do we have the land, 40,000 acres, we’ve got a pipeline running through the land, and we have this designation that can accelerate permitting.”

It’s really about how do we catch up with the Chinese are doing because most people don’t like data centers for good reason. You tap it to the grid, and all of a sudden the electrical costs for their church and the community and the residents all go up, and that’s why there’s been a lot of pushback.

Not in this case. We’re building power from scratch from the pipeline.

JU: Jim, what do you make of O’Leary’s argument there?

JW: Posing this as a national security issue and a race with China really misses the real issue — that national security isn’t just about having technological and military superiority.

We’re not safe if we don’t have clean air and clean water to drink and breathe. We’re not safe if our communities have massive data centers that are extracting our natural resources. Our entire economy functions on access to water. Data centers are jeopardizing that access to water.

So it’s really easy for the ultrawealthy investor from Canada to come in and say, “Hey, we need to have these projects.” But for people that are directly impacted by these projects, it’s not helping them, and it’s not helping their communities.

“We’re not safe if our communities have massive data centers that are extracting our natural resources. Our entire economy functions on access to water.”

JU: That’s a good segue to where I wanted to take this next. The Salt Lake Tribune writes, “The full water demands of this project remain unknown, although its developers have said they’re working to secure a 13,000 acre-feet in Hansel Valley and the surrounding area, which is mostly agricultural. That’s enough water to meet the needs of more than 20,000 Utah households.”

One of the biggest concerns about data centers is the amount of water usage they demand. You touched on this a bit already, but why are AI data centers in particular such water-intensive facilities, and why are we seeing more pop-up in areas where water is already scarce?

JW: Data centers use tremendous amounts of water for cooling their servers. That’s only part of the picture. They also use tremendous amounts of water for their energy needs. As we are facing significant amounts of water scarcity, we’re seeing data centers move into water-scarce regions, and it’s because water isn’t the only concern for data centers. Their biggest price point is actually energy.

“Their biggest price point is actually energy.”

The Stratos Project is being targeted for that area specifically because they were able to get expedited permits, but they also are able to pull from the Ruby Pipeline. And they have a significant flow of inexpensive energy that they’ll be able to pull from.

Now, these project developers don’t care about the larger impacts on communities any more than communities are going to force them to recognize those concerns. They’re trying to brush all of these things under the rug and pretend like they can build these projects and get more water as though it’s an unlimited resource, ignoring the fact that residents in Utah are facing unprecedented amounts of drought, and ignoring the fact that these data centers are going to do more to use up what limited resources are available to the people of Utah than they will to provide any meaningful benefit.

What good is any benefit if you don’t actually have the water that’s necessary for life?

[Break]

JU: In Fayette County, Georgia, for instance, another data center has captured national public attention after it came to light that the facility had drained 30 million gallons of water. Residents were experiencing low water pressure and had been told to cut their own water usage. The state is home to more than 200 data centers. 

Last week, while questioning the EPA in a committee hearing, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez held up jars full of brown water from residents near a large Meta data center in a different county in the state. Here is a clip of Ocasio-Cortez.

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez: I visited Morgan County, Georgia, where Meta is building a massive data center campus.

They are clear-cutting forests and began heavy construction, including explosive blasting. And families in the area are starting to see not only their water pressure decrease, to your point about water availability, but their appliances have all stopped working because it is decimating their water quality.

They now rely on bottled water to drink and prepare meals, and nearby residents’ water bills are expected to increase by 33 percent.

JU: Jim, in addition to the impact on local watersheds and wells, what impact do data centers have on the communities they exist in?

JW: I want to speak to that clip because I think that clip shows that communities not only lack resources to evaluate the effects of data centers, but also lack resources to effectively regulate and oversee these projects.

And the federal government is asleep at the wheel. We should not have to have a member of Congress in an open congressional hearing raising concerns that EPA is unaware of, that EPA then commits to investigating after the fact. We need to make sure that these data centers are actually out there to protect the public.

We’ve seen the impacts go well beyond just the water impacts, as you talked about. But it’s all these impacts are driving the concerns that are pushing Georgia and communities like Augusta Council and others to actively consider moratoriums on data centers, to put the brakes on these projects.

“Communities not only lack resources to evaluate the effects of data centers, but also lack resources to effectively regulate and oversee these projects.”

But even if you create the regulatory structure that we need to protect communities from data centers and determine if they’re even appropriate for certain areas and certain communities, you need to have the resources to actually oversee and regulate and hold these data centers accountable. 

These data centers in Georgia, in Morgan County, was also, implicated for muddied water. The investigation shouldn’t have to come from members of Congress. It should really be found out before these projects are going to come online. If the project developers are over-pumping, extending their permit, or setting up systems behind the meter, which we saw happen in Georgia, to extract more water than they’re supposed to take, we should have regulators in place to oversee these projects and make sure they’re following the rules.

But these also go significantly beyond water impacts, and that’s what you asked about. For instance, in Memphis, communities there are raising significant concerns about the air pollution from data centers. And the data center there actually committed to use gas turbines only as backup generation, but then started pivoting to using those turbines around the clock. That means around-the-clock pollution and around-the-clock harms to the communities around those data centers.

We need to make sure that we not only have the rules in place to ensure that data centers aren’t harming communities, but make sure that we have the resources in place to hold them accountable to these laws and standards once they’re enacted. And we don’t have that right now.

JU: In addition to the EPA having a reactive approach, seemingly in that hearing being caught off-guard or maybe surprised by the environmental impacts in Georgia that Congresswoman Ocasio-Cortez was pointing out, the Trump administration is also trying to fast-track the development of even more data centers. How are they enabling that?

JW: The Trump administration is explicitly [prioritizing] rapid data center build-outs. In their memo of July of last year, the executive order rather, it says that they’re going to “facilitate the rapid and efficient buildout” of AI data centers and related infrastructure by easing regulatory burdens and using federally owned land and resources for development, as well as working to curtail the development of local rules and regulations focused on AI and associated infrastructure with an executive order that came out in December.

So the Trump administration is really putting their foot on the gas with these projects and really throwing caution to the wind about all the significant impacts that these data centers will have. We’re seeing recent proposals to allow energy projects to move forward with construction before gaining federal approvals. This means that communities will see infrastructure built that may never get used.

And even worse is that the infrastructure will be used, but because once you build a power plant, there’s not much else you can do with that land, so regulators may be under immense pressure to grant variances or waivers for projects, which could increase localized pollution for communities.

The administration really treats environmental reviews and public transportation and community safeguards as red tape instead of actual protections. These projects are shaping our water systems, our electric grids, our air quality and land use — and those impacts will be felt for decades. This is exactly why we need more scrutiny and not less that the Trump administration is pushing forward.

JU: Yeah, you see how the industry responds to that scrutiny, how they peddle misinformation, how they go after activists and organizations. Even with the Congresswoman Ocasio-Cortez moment — mocking them. I saw Marc Andreessen spending his time on Twitter that day mocking her, that she would even suggest that data centers could make your water brown.

How else are you seeing supporters of these data centers pushing back to the growing scrutiny and opposition to these development projects?

JW: Supporters usually point to tax revenue, construction jobs, digital infrastructure, national security, and competitiveness, like we heard earlier. Some of those benefits might be real, but the reality is, is we’re not looking at these projects in a comprehensive manner. And that’s what the industry wants us to do — is forget about the broader impacts of data centers by pointing out small, unique potential things that could be seen as benefits to communities.

These benefits are often overstated compared with long-term public costs. And we saw that in Virginia, studies on the data center boom found that economic benefits mostly come from construction jobs and not ongoing operations. So these short-term construction jobs aren’t providing long-term benefit to communities and usually are actually done by people not in the community, so you’re not even creating local jobs for people in the communities where data centers are being constructed and put together.

We’re also seeing that data center developers are trying to point to things like “bring your own power” as a way to say they support an affordability agenda, as they hear more and more consumers talk about affordability. They talk about bringing renewable energy to projects. But the reality is these “bring your own power” projects and renewable energy don’t actually do anything to address the massive demand.

Requiring renewable energy at data centers may actually make things worse for the rest of us, because you’re going to shift the energy transition ability in communities that are looking to do more electrification to replace fossil fuel infrastructure are going to be stuck using fossil fuels, which feeds the data center narrative.

They can say, “Look, we’re using all renewable energy. Aren’t we great?” But in reality, they’re taking all the renewable energy supplies for themselves while the rest of us are stuck with dirty energy that tends to be more expensive and costly. So when we look at these projects, it’s important that we look at them in a comprehensive way and not just the industry sound bites that they’re putting forward to cite narrow perceived benefits of these projects.

JU: Sen. Bernie Sanders and Rep. Ocasio-Cortez introduced a bill to halt the development of new data centers. On one, I want to hear what you could tell us about that bill, but then you also speak to lawmakers across the country, across the political spectrum. What are you hearing from them, and are they receptive to the adverse impacts of data centers?

JW: Data center development is moving along way too fast, and communities are being asked to sacrifice water, affordability, their health for the benefits of billionaire tech industries. The Sanders–Ocasio-Cortez AI Data Center Moratorium Act is important because it shows that these concerns have moved from local zoning fights into national politics.

This legislation is exactly what we need a federal moratorium on data centers until national safeguards are in place. That moratorium will give policymakers an opportunity to better understand the impacts of data centers and protect the public from the significant harms from using millions of gallons of water in drought-stricken regions. The Stratos data center in Utah is going to be using tremendous amounts of water. That project should be put on hold, along with the rest of them, to make sure that the public is actually protected, not just the benefit of these big tech industries.

“ We all know rivers and streams and groundwater don’t stop at municipal boundaries.”

It’s important to note that many of the decisions relating to data center developments are made by municipal and county governments who often lack resources to do the kind of analysis necessary to make informed decisions about the impacts of data centers. Many of the impacts of data centers go beyond their local boundaries. We all know rivers and streams and groundwater don’t stop at municipal boundaries, and pulling water from one place can impact communities miles away. 

As hundreds of people are turning up to city council meetings across the country demanding moratoriums on data centers, that is creating more pushback from communities. We’re seeing communities, dozens of communities around the country have actually enacted moratoriums on data centers so they can better understand these impacts, create more comprehensive rules to protect communities from these profit-hungry tech companies. But we also need the federal government to step in and provide support to those communities to help with the environmental reviews, to help provide expertise to better understand the impacts of these projects, so that you’re not dealing with municipal elected officials who are really sitting there with limited resources and limited knowledge about the full impacts of these projects.

In order to get that more comprehensive review, we need to have more federal engagement in understanding these data center impacts, and that starts with putting the brakes on these projects through a moratorium.

JU: We will continue to look to your organization, Food & Water Watch, for more analysis, more insight.

Jim, I want to thank you for joining us on the Intercept Briefing.

JW: Thank you very much for having me. I appreciate it.

JU: This episode was produced by Laura Flynn. Ben Muessig is our editor-in-chief. Maia Hibbett is our managing editor. Chelsey B. Coombs is our social and video producer. Fei Liu is our product and design manager. Nara Shin is our copy editor. William Stanton mixed our show. Legal review by David Bralow.

Slip Stream provided our theme music.

This show and our reporting at The Intercept doesn’t exist without you. Your donation, no matter the amount, makes a real difference. Keep our investigations free and fearless at theintercept.com/join

And if you haven’t already, please subscribe to The Intercept Briefing wherever you listen to podcasts. Do leave us a rating or a review, it helps other listeners to find us.

Let us know what you think of this episode, or if you want to send us a general message, email us at podcasts@theintercept.com. And if you are concerned about a data center project near you send us an email or leave us a voice mail at 530-POD-CAST that’s 530-763-2278

Until next time, I’m Jordan Uhl. 

China’s Treasury gambit: A decade in the making

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china’s-treasury-gambit:-a-decade-in-the-making
China’s Treasury gambit: A decade in the making

When China reduced its holdings of US Treasury securities in the spring of 2026, mainstream Washington commentators reflexively reached for the word “routine.” They should not have. What is unfolding is the culmination of a decade-long strategy, methodically engineered to give China the option to weaponize US borrowing costs at a moment of geopolitical maximum pressure.

The numbers are striking. China’s Treasury holdings, which topped $1.3 trillion in 2013, had fallen to $693.3 billion by February 2026, and slid further to $652.3 billion the following month. In March 2026 alone, overall foreign holdings of US. Treasuries fell by $138.4 billion, with seven of the top ten foreign holders, including Japan, China, Belgium, Canada, and France,  trimming their exposure simultaneously. Acclaimed economist Mohamed El-Erian flagged the structural shift bluntly: China’s share of the total US Treasury market has dropped to just 7 percent, “a quarter of the 28 percent peak reached 15 years ago,” a decline made even more pronounced, he noted, against “the steady issuance of new securities by the US government.”

The US fiscal model depends on a continuous supply of willing buyers. Washington runs persistent deficits to fund the military, Social Security, federal salaries, and overseas commitments, through perpetual debt issuance. When a creditor of China’s scale steps back, the arithmetic is punishing, leading to higher yields, steeper rollover costs, and a softer dollar amid reduced foreign demand. Economist Peter Schiff was characteristically direct after China advised its banks to reduce Treasury exposure in February 2026:

“Soon, foreign governments and many private investors will be selling US Treasuries. The main buyer will be the Fed, creating inflation that will send consumer prices soaring.”

According to Brad Setser, a former U.S. Treasury official currently with the Council on Foreign Relations, if China completely liquidated its portfolio, long-term interest rates would jump by roughly 30 basis points. Crucially, this estimate only covers the direct market impact, without factoring in the panic it could trigger among other global creditors.

For years, China has been quietly setting up a backup plan. They want to make sure that if they ever decide to walk away from the US dollar, their own economy won’t crash and burn.

Think of it like building a whole new financial neighbourhood so they don’t have to live in America’s house anymore. Here is how they are doing it:

  • The Ultimate Global Road Trip: China started a massive project called the Belt and Road Initiative. It spans over 140 countries. They have poured roughly $1 trillion into building roads, ports, and bridges worldwide. Why? To make sure these countries can trade directly with China without ever needing to use a single U.S. dollar.
  • Their Own Version of Venmo: China built its own digital banking highway, CIPS, to move money across borders. In 2024, this system processed a mind-boggling $24.47 trillion worth of Chinese currency (the yuan). That is a massive 42.6 percent jump from the year before. On top of that, China has set up special currency swap lines with more than 40 central banks worldwide.
  • Ditching the Dollar with Friends: This isn’t just a theory. It’s happening right now. China and Russia now do about 95 percent of their trade using their own local currencies. In Brazil, nearly half of all trade with China was done in yuan in 2024.
  • Building a Rival Club: The BRICS, a club of powerful developing economies. China helped expand it to include major oil and economic players such as Saudi Arabia, Iran, the UAE, Egypt, and Ethiopia.

By bringing all these countries together, China is building the structural scaffolding for a completely parallel financial world. If the US system ever goes down, or if China decides to cut ties, they will already have a brand-new global economy ready to run.

These are not incidental developments. They form a sequenced architecture: first build the exits, then reduce dollar exposure, then create the conditions under which a concentrated move in Treasuries has maximal signalling power without catastrophic self-harm. As the People’s Bank of China pivoted its reserves toward gold, now at a record 2,308 tonnes after 15 consecutive months of accumulation, analysts noted that the strategy is explicitly designed to “sanction-proof” the Chinese economy, a direct response to the freezing of Russian assets in 2022.

The contagion risk lies not merely in the flows themselves but in the permission the move grants to others. Japan has been watching nervously; Gulf producers have been quietly diversifying; and the Global South, long wary of dollar-centric finance, is increasingly seeking institutional distance from Washington’s monetary dominance. The IMF’s own data show the dollar’s share of global foreign exchange reserves fell to 57.8 percent in Q4 2024, down from a peak of 72 percent in 2001, while central banks purchased more than 1,000 tonnes of gold in each of the last three years. The real question isn’t whether the US dollar will lose its crown overnight. It won’t. The real question is whether China’s moves will convince everyone else to jump ship at the same time. Right now, other countries are hesitant. But the second they see that it is safe to ditch the dollar, it becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. Once the first few dominoes fall, the rest will follow.

READ: The rise of China in Middle East politics

Washington’s retaliatory options are narrower than the rhetoric suggests. Broad financial sanctions on China would cascade through U.S. consumer prices, corporate margins, and supply chains: Apple, Nike, and Tesla remain deeply embedded in Chinese manufacturing networks, and the US-China Commission has documented Beijing’s growing capacity to weaponise those dependencies in return. Compelling China to resume buying or halt selling would require either market incentives Washington cannot currently offer or coercive tools whose costs fall hardest on American consumers.

The massive market sell-off in the spring of 2026 might not be the single explosion that destroys the US dollar. But it is a massive warning sign. This is a trend that anyone paying attention could see coming for years. Moving forward, the real wild card isn’t what China does next. The real question is whether other major players—like Japan, Saudi Arabia, and developing countries across the Global South—look at this moment and decide it’s time to make their own move.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.

DOJ sues states that rejected ICE requests for undercover license plates

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DOJ sues states that rejected ICE requests for undercover license plates

The Trump administration continues to claim in lawsuits that ICE monitoring sites are doxing agents, without showing evidence that’s happening.

Most recently, the Department of Justice pointed to sites like ICEList.info and ICESpy.org in lawsuits it filed in an attempt to force four states to reverse policies blocking ICE agents from registering undercover license plates.

The DOJ alleged that the states’ policies are unconstitutional, unlawfully requiring federal officers to abide by different rules than state officers who can easily obtain undercover plates. Among risks to ICE agents denied undercover plates, the DOJ counted alleged threats of increased harassment and invasive tracking of officers, as well as the possibility that targets of ICE enforcement may more easily evade arrest.

In all the complaints, the DOJ claimed that confidential registrations also protect officers by making sure that no one can submit a public records request to access vehicle registration information. That is supposedly crucial since protesters and ICE watchers across the US keep photographing and filming ICE activity and posting that content online. Blocking license plate lookups would thwart additional risks of doxing, the DOJ claimed.

But the only support for claims of increased doxing that the DOJ provided was naming two ICE monitoring websites that prohibit doxing, and advocates have argued the websites are protected under the First Amendment.

ICESpy.org uses facial recognition to compare uploaded photos of ICE agents to public LinkedIn profile photos, only ever linking users to content that ICE agents themselves post online. The website explicitly warns that “threatening federal employees is a felony” and explains that it can’t be used to harass ICE employees, since “there is no additional useful information beyond what is self-reported on LinkedIn.”

Similarly, ICEList.info is designed to act as a sort of wiki, collecting updates on ICE enforcement activity and cataloging detentions, arrests, and deportations. Individual agents are listed “where sufficient evidence exists” to link them to enforcement events, the About page said, and any attempts to post information that could be used to dox agents violate site rules and are deleted.

“False submissions, harassment, or attempts to misuse the platform will be removed,” the About page said.

Dominick Skinner, who owns ICE List, told Wired that “he does not believe that what ICE List does is doxing,” primarily because “ICE List doesn’t post the home addresses of identified agents.”

In a press release, the DOJ said that it considers doxing to be the sharing of “a victim’s Social Security number, home address, home phone number, mobile phone number, and personal email address.” An incomplete Ars review spot checking 100 profiles of ICE agents on ICE List showed only publicly posted professional contact information.

DOJ’s lack of doxing evidence

The Trump administration has routinely relied on bare mentions of threats of doxing to pressure platforms into censoring social media posts showing ICE activity or linking to sites like ICE List, Freedom of Information Act lawsuits have claimed.

But there’s a notable lack of arrests to back up those claims.

As recently as January, the DOJ has insisted that ICE officers are facing an 8,000 percent increase in death threats. But that press release did not specify where that statistic comes from.

Instead, the agency shared the transcript of a single voicemail that was left for an ICE officer in Minnesota on January 24. In it, the caller doesn’t directly threaten violence, but appears try to intimidate the officer by saying that they “hope” that his wife and mom die and that “everything wrong that could go in your life happens.” They tell the officer that they “hope” the officer gets “hit by a bus” and “paralyzed.” And they end by calling the officer a “traitor to the American people” and urging that the officer “should kill yourself.”

In that press release, then-Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem said that intimidation tactics like the voicemail and allegedly increased doxing attempts would not be tolerated. Threatening felony charges, she warned that “if you lay a hand on a law enforcement officer or dox our officers, you will be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law.”

However, in the lawsuits over the undercover plates, the DOJ only pointed to one person charged with doxing an ICE agent. And notably, that suspect didn’t actually dox an ICE agent, but an ICE attorney whose family the suspect apparently had been harassing for quite some time prior to Donald Trump re-taking office.

In a press release last September, the DOJ announced that a 68-year-old Santa Monica man, Gregory John Curcio, was charged with doxing and harassing an ICE lawyer. Curcio allegedly posted the lawyer’s home address on Facebook and encouraged viewers to “swat” the target by placing a false emergency call at the residence that would incite police to respond with force.

As the DOJ spins it in the state complaints, this incident is part of a pattern of harassment where social media posts documenting ICE activity make it easier to target ICE agents at their homes. However, the press release noted that the address that Curcio posted was not the lawyer’s address, but her mother’s address. It further clarified that Curcio had allegedly harassed her mother “for years,” making false statements and engaging in a harassment campaign beginning in January 2024.

Other evidence that the DOJ relies on to suggest that agents need more protections in states blocking undercover plates include an October press release where the DOJ alleged that “credible intelligence” indicated that “Mexican criminals” were conspiring with “street gangs in Chicago” to “monitor, harass, and assassinate federal agents.” However, the state lawsuits did not suggest that any arrests had been made since the DOJ got that tip, nor did the DOJ share any evidence of attempted doxing, kidnapping, or assassinations linked to the intelligence.

States block plates to fight “lawless” ICE

It remains unclear whether the DOJ must prove that doxing occurred to make its case that states are unlawfully endangering federal officers while supposedly violating the Constitution’s supremacy clause, which mandates that federal law take precedence over state law.

The Trump administration is hoping that the court will agree that any policy that blocks federal officers from undercover plates that are available for state officers is unconstitutional. In a win, they want states permanently enjoined from blocking ICE from concealing their vehicle registrations.

But it might matter that the state’s intentions are to block allegedly “lawless” civil immigration actions that state officers play no role in.

In the Maine complaint, the DOJ acknowledged that states would have no reason to block state officers since “civil immigration enforcement is an exclusively federal function.”

At least one state will likely argue that ICE arrests based on alleged racial profiling violate the state’s law. In Washington, the state has alleged that some ICE activity runs afoul of the “Keep Washington Working Act,” the DOJ’s complaint said.

That law mandates that “no state agency, including law enforcement, may use agency funds, facilities, property, equipment, or personnel to investigate, enforce, cooperate with, or assist in the investigation or enforcement of any federal registration or surveillance programs or any other laws, rules, or policies that target Washington residents solely on the basis of race, religion, immigration, or citizenship status, or national or ethnic origin.” Essentially, the state claims it may be banned from providing confidential plates that could enable federal government surveillance programs targeting Washington residents by race, immigration, or citizenship status.

States seem confident that their policies are valid. They refused to rescind laws after the assistant attorney general sent demand letters to do so by May 22.

Maine’s secretary of state, Shenna Bellows, said that her state stopped issuing undercover plates to ICE for civil investigations due to “rumors of ICE deployment to Maine and abuses of power in Minnesota and elsewhere” that “raise concerns.”

“We want to be assured that Maine plates will not be used for lawless purposes,” Bellows said.

The DOJ’s complaint against Massachusetts cited that state’s governor, Maura Healey, as providing a similar rationale.

Any “federal, state or local agency engaging in legitimate criminal law enforcement work can receive a confidential plate,” Healey said. However, “we all know that’s not what ICE is doing. This is an agency that can’t and won’t even tell us who they are arresting and why. We are not going to enable their tactics.”

Each state’s undercover plates policies slightly differ.

Washington simply stopped issuing and renewing confidential plates in October 2025, and Massachusetts did the same, cutting off ICE and Customs and Border Patrol agencies from privileges in early 2026. Oregon followed suit in April, temporarily pausing confidential plate registrations for any federal agencies. If that state resumes issuing plates, it plans to avoid granting confidentiality for civil immigration investigations, the DOJ said.

Maine requires that the government jump through a single hoop. It will grant any confidential registrations, but only if the head of the federal agency seeking it will attest that any vehicles granted undercover plates “would not be used for federal civil immigration enforcement.” Violators risk “criminal penalties,” the DOJ emphasized, including a $2,000 perjury fine or up to a year in jail.

Cuba is next — and everyone in Washington knows it

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Cuba is next — and everyone in Washington knows it

The hemisphere’s longest-running standoff may finally be reaching its breaking point — but not necessarily in the way anyone expects. Cuba, in the spring of 2026, feels exactly like that.

After 67 years of communist rule, sustained by a rotating cast of foreign patrons — Soviet subsidies, Venezuelan oil, Chinese credit lines — the island has finally run out of lifelines. And Washington, never one to let a crisis go unexploited, is watching with barely concealed intent.

Donald Trump said it himself, characteristically blunt and characteristically vague: “We may stop by Cuba after we’re finished with this.” Strip away the performative nonchalance and what remains is a serious policy signal.

The maximum pressure campaign against Havana, which escalated sharply in January 2026 following the capture of Venezuela’s President Nicolas Maduro, has pushed Cuba closer to genuine collapse than at any point since the Soviet Union disappeared and took its subsidies with it.

The question is no longer whether Washington will act. The question is what acting actually looks like — and whether anyone in Havana understands the stakes clearly enough to respond in time.

60-year policy failure

American presidents have been fumbling the Cuba question since Dwight Eisenhower. The Bay of Pigs humiliated John Kennedy. The embargo outlasted the Cold War by three decades without producing regime change.

Bill Clinton tightened sanctions. Barack Obama tried engagement, but Donald Trump reversed it. None of it worked — not the coercion, not the olive branches, not the creative legal architectures like the Helms-Burton Act, which tied embargo removal to conditions Havana was never remotely inclined to meet.

What changed now is not American strategy, which has always oscillated between strangulation and negotiation. What changed is Cuba’s material position. The island requires roughly 100,000 barrels of oil per day to keep basic civil functions running.

It produces barely 40,000 domestically. Historically, the rest came from Venezuela, Russia, Mexico and Algeria. Nearly all of that external supply has now stopped — partly because Trump’s executive order slaps 30% tariffs on any country delivering oil to Cuba, partly because Cuba simply cannot pay its bills.

The consequences are not abstract. Power outages are routine. Surgeries are being canceled in power-starved hospitals. Schools have suspended classes. Garbage trucks sit idle because there is no fuel to run them.

This is not a government managing austerity – it is a government losing its basic capacity to function. Cuba’s current trajectory resembles nothing so much as the ‘período especial‘ of the early 1990s — that catastrophic economic contraction following Soviet collapse — except this time, there is no comparable patron waiting in the wings to step in.

Rubio’s personal war

Here is where analysis gets genuinely complicated. Trump’s foreign policy motivations are, as always, a mixture of strategic calculation and domestic political theatre. Cuba matters to him because South Florida matters to him.

A Miami Herald poll from April 16 found that 79% of Cuban-Americans in South Florida support some form of American military intervention in Cuba. That number concentrates the mind of any politician who understands the electoral arithmetic of Florida.

But the more compelling driver may actually be Marco Rubio. The Secretary of State is the son of Cuban immigrants, and for him, this is not a portfolio issue — it is a generational grievance.

He was among the harshest critics of Obama’s normalization experiment, correctly identifying, in retrospect, that Havana used the diplomatic opening to consolidate rather than reform.

He has spent his entire political career arguing that the Cuban government will only move under genuine, sustained pressure. Now, for the first time in his career, he controls the pressure.

That personal investment cuts both ways. Rubio brings credibility that no other Washington figure possesses — he can negotiate with Cuban exile communities in Miami, lobby skeptical senators on Capitol Hill, and potentially engage Havana in ways that career diplomats cannot.

But personal investment also distorts judgment. History is littered with statesmen who mistook emotional commitment for strategic clarity. Rubio needs to be both the man who can make a deal and the man who can walk away from one that doesn’t deliver real change. Whether he can maintain that balance remains genuinely uncertain.

Maduro precedent limits

Washington appears to be hoping for a repeat of the Venezuela operation — a swift decapitation of leadership, a compliant successor, a political win packaged for domestic consumption before the November midterms. The logic is seductive and almost certainly flawed.

Venezuela, for all its dysfunction, retained identifiable political opposition — figures with international profiles and at least nominal democratic credentials. Cuba, after nearly seven decades of totalitarian consolidation, has produced no such figure. The dissident community is brave but fragmented.

The exile leadership in Miami commands emotional loyalty but limited operational influence inside the island. If Diaz-Canel were removed tomorrow, the institutional question — who governs, under what framework, with what popular legitimacy — has no obvious answer.

Military options are being drawn up at the Pentagon. Unlike Venezuela, Cuba could be reached directly from bases inside the United States, meaning any intervention could materialize with far less warning than the Maduro operation.

Raids targeting senior leadership, airstrikes against military infrastructure or even a full-scale invasion remain theoretically on the table. The last scenario is almost certainly too costly to be seriously entertained. The first two are not.

Diplomacy with a gun in the room

A US State Department delegation visited Havana in April — the first American government aircraft to land in Cuba since the brief Obama-era thaw. They brought a list of demands: compensation for properties confiscated after 1959, release of political prisoners and expanded political freedoms.

Cuba has made some gestures — 2,000 political prisoners released in April, new regulations permitting expatriates to own businesses. Concessions, yes, but calibrated concessions, the kind designed to buy time rather than signal genuine transformation.

The compensation demand alone is potentially deal-breaking. The Assembly of Cuban Resistance estimates total claims at $9 to $10 billion. A government that cannot keep the lights on cannot write that check.

What remains true, and what history repeatedly confirms, is that autocracies under maximum pressure rarely transform gracefully. They collapse suddenly or they dig in ferociously.

Cuba’s leadership has survived everything Washington has thrown at it since 1959 — assassination plots, economic warfare, diplomatic isolation. The instinct will be to survive this, too.

But the material conditions in 2026 are different from anything Havana has previously navigated. No Soviet Union. No Venezuelan petrodollars. No credible external patron is prepared to absorb the cost of keeping the Castro system alive.

The hemisphere’s longest standoff may be ending — not with a negotiated peace, but with an exhaustion so complete that both sides finally have no alternative but to deal.

Whether that moment produces genuine Cuban freedom or merely a new form of managed dependency will depend entirely on whether Washington wants a democratic Cuba or simply a compliant one.

Those are very different objectives. And so far, the evidence suggests Washington hasn’t quite decided which it’s actually after.

M A Hossain is a senior journalist and international affairs analyst.

Russian Drone Slams Into Apartment Block in Romania, Two Injured

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Russian Drone Slams Into Apartment Block in Romania, Two Injured


A drone crashed onto the roof of a 10-storey ​block of flats in the southeastern city of Galati during a Russian overnight attack on neighbouring Ukraine on Friday, causing an ‌explosion and a fire that injured two people, Romanian authorities said.

Romania, a member of both NATO and the European Union, shares a 650-km (400-mile) land border with Ukraine and has seen Russian drones breach its airspace 28 times since Moscow began attacking Kyiv’s ports across the Danube river, Romania’s defence ministry said ​on Friday.

Friday’s incident was the first time a drone had hit a densely populated area in Romania and caused ​injuries, and was likely to increase tensions on NATO’s eastern flank at a time when Ukraine’s allies are ⁠worried about the war spilling over its borders.

The ministry added it had recovered drone fragments that fell in Romania 47 times.

​Romania’s emergency response agency said on Friday a fire broke out in a 10th floor apartment after the drone struck the building’s roof ​and exploded. Two people were receiving medical treatment on site, it said, adding 70 people had evacuated.

It said the drone’s entire explosive payload detonated. The fire has since been extinguished.

State news agency Agerpres cited Galati’s emergency response agency saying a woman and her child had been taken to hospital with ​minor injuries while two others had been treated on site for panic attacks.

Deputy Interior Minister Raed Arafat, who is in charge ​of the emergency response agency, told private broadcaster Digi24 the drone affected two building stairwells and damaged five cars.

ANOTHER DRONE REPORTEDLY FOUND

In a separate incident, a ‌drone without ⁠an explosive charge was found around Basesti in Maramures county in northwestern Romania and the area was secured, state TVR broadcaster said late on Thursday, citing local authorities.

The authorities were investigating the origin of the drone, which the report said had a wingspan of about 3 metres (9.84 feet), and how it happened to be in the area, TVR added.

Local authorities in southern Ukraine, meanwhile, said the Izmail port in the ​Odesa region came under attack from ​several drones in the early ⁠hours of Friday morning.

Izmail, close to the Romanian border, is home to the largest Ukrainian port on the Danube River and is a frequently targeted strategic location.

FIGHTER JETS, HELICOPTERS DEPLOYED

Galati was hit previously in ​April when a drone damaged an electricity pole and a household annex and officials temporarily evacuated people ​nearby. They retrieved ⁠the drone to detonate its unexploded payload at a remote location.

On Friday, the defence ministry said it scrambled two F-16 fighter jets and a military helicopter to monitor the attack, adding the pilots were authorised to shoot down any drones. The residents of border counties Braila, Galati and ⁠Tulcea were ​warned to take cover.

Romanian law allows it to shoot down drones during peacetime ​if lives or property are at risk, but it has not yet done so.

Ukrainian drones have strayed into Baltic countries’ airspace in recent weeks, sowing confusion and raising ​tensions with Russia.

Mayak Eggs (Korean Soy-Marinated Eggs)

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Mayak Eggs (Korean Soy-Marinated Eggs)

If you’re looking for an easy Korean side dish that’s packed with flavor, Mayak Eggs are about to become your new obsession. These soft-boiled eggs are marinated in a savory soy sauce mixture infused with garlic, onions, sesame seeds, and green onions, creating a rich, sweet, and umami-packed bite that’s impossible to resist.

In Korean, “Mayak Gyeran” literally translates to “drug eggs”—not because of any unusual ingredients, but because they’re famously addictive! One bite of these jammy eggs over a bowl of warm rice, drizzled with the flavorful marinade, and you’ll understand exactly why they’ve earned their nickname.

What Are Mayak Eggs?

Mayak Eggs are a popular Korean banchan (side dish) made by marinating soft-boiled eggs in a seasoned soy sauce mixture. As the eggs soak, they absorb all the savory, sweet, and aromatic flavors of the marinade.

The egg whites develop a beautiful light brown color, while the yolks become rich, creamy, and intensely flavorful. They’re commonly served alongside steamed rice, noodles, or as part of a Korean meal spread.

Why You’ll Love This Recipe

  • Easy to make with simple pantry ingredients
  • Perfect balance of sweet and savory flavors
  • Soft, jammy yolks with incredible texture
  • Great for meal prep
  • Ready with minimal hands-on work
  • Delicious as a snack, side dish, or rice topper

Ingredients

For the Eggs

  • 6 large eggs
  • 2 tablespoons vinegar (optional)

For the Marinade

  • ¼ medium yellow onion, finely chopped
  • 3 garlic cloves, minced
  • 1 green onion, thinly sliced
  • 1 chili pepper, finely chopped (optional)
  • 1 tablespoon toasted sesame seeds
  • 10 tablespoons low-sodium soy sauce
  • 5 tablespoons honey
  • ¼ cup water

How to Make Mayak Eggs

Step 1: Boil the Eggs

Bring a pot of water to a gentle boil.

Carefully lower the eggs into the water and cook for exactly 6 minutes for perfectly jammy yolks.

If desired, add vinegar to the water to help make peeling easier.

Step 2: Prepare an Ice Bath

While the eggs cook, fill a bowl with ice and cold water.

Immediately transfer the cooked eggs into the ice bath and allow them to cool completely.

This stops the cooking process and helps the shells peel off more easily.

Step 3: Make the Marinade

In a mixing bowl, combine:

  • Soy sauce
  • Honey
  • Water
  • Onion
  • Garlic
  • Green onion
  • Chili pepper
  • Sesame seeds

Stir until well combined.

Step 4: Peel and Marinate

Carefully peel the cooled eggs.

Place them in a deep airtight container and pour the marinade over the eggs.

Ensure the eggs are fully submerged.

Cover and refrigerate for at least 6 hours, preferably overnight.

Step 5: Serve

Once marinated, the eggs will have absorbed the rich soy flavor and developed their signature brown exterior.

Serve over hot rice with a spoonful of marinade for the ultimate Korean comfort meal.

Tips for Perfect Mayak Eggs

Use Cold Eggs

For the most consistent results, use eggs straight from the refrigerator.

Don’t Overcook

Six minutes creates the ideal jammy center. If you prefer firmer yolks, increase the cooking time.

Marinate Overnight

The longer the eggs sit in the marinade, the deeper the flavor becomes.

Use a Deep Container

A narrow, deep container helps keep the eggs fully submerged without needing extra marinade.

How to Eat Mayak Eggs

These eggs are incredibly versatile and can be enjoyed in many ways:

  • Over steamed white rice
  • With a drizzle of sesame oil
  • As a Korean side dish (banchan)
  • Sliced over ramen
  • In rice bowls
  • With seaweed snacks
  • As a high-protein snack

One of the most popular ways to enjoy them is simply over warm rice with extra marinade spooned on top.

Storage

Store the eggs in their marinade inside an airtight container in the refrigerator.

They stay fresh for up to 1 week, although they’re at their best within the first 3 to 4 days.

Frequently Asked Questions

Can I Make Hard-Boiled Mayak Eggs?

Yes. Simply boil the eggs for 11 to 12 minutes instead of 6 minutes.

Are Mayak Eggs Spicy?

Not necessarily. The chili peppers are optional and can be omitted for a mild version.

Can I Reuse the Marinade?

Yes, but the flavor will be weaker after the first batch. Many people prefer using leftover marinade over rice or in stir-fries.

Why Are They Called “Drug Eggs”?

The name comes from how addictive they are—not from any special ingredient. Their sweet, savory, umami-rich flavor keeps people coming back for more.

Final Thoughts

Mayak Eggs are one of the easiest and most rewarding Korean recipes you can make at home. With creamy yolks, a rich soy-based marinade, and endless serving possibilities, they’re perfect for meal prep, quick lunches, snacks, or traditional Korean-inspired meals.

Make a batch today and discover why these famous Korean marinated eggs have become a favorite around the world.

Trump FCC warns all broadcasters to follow orders or be punished like ABC

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Trump FCC warns all broadcasters to follow orders or be punished like ABC

The eight broadcast TV stations owned by ABC filed applications for early license renewals under protest yesterday, accusing the Federal Communications Commission of trying to suppress speech as part of “an unprecedented attack on a single company’s entire portfolio of broadcast licenses.”

FCC Chairman Brendan Carr has repeatedly threatened to revoke broadcast licenses from President Trump’s least favorite networks. He recently ordered the Disney-owned ABC to file early license renewal applications for all of its TV stations over allegations that its diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) practices violate anti-discrimination rules.

“The only plausible reason to issue the Order is to punish the Station for speech the government does not like,” ABC said in its filings. The FCC is “using the license process renewal to punish a broadcaster for its editorial choices” in “an extraordinary demonstration of power and coercion directed at disfavored editorial voices,” it said.

ABC said the order it received “sends a clear warning to every broadcaster in America.” If that warning wasn’t clear enough, the FCC yesterday issued a public notice to “remind” all broadcasters of “their public interest obligations.” The public notice was issued on the same day as the deadline the FCC set for ABC to submit its early license renewal applications, and urged all broadcasters to “review and modify their operations to ensure compliance.”

Warning that other broadcasters could face threats to their licenses, the public notice said the FCC “will not hesitate to exercise its statutory authority to ensure that broadcasters either fulfill their public interest obligation or provide the privilege of being a broadcast licensee to someone that will fulfill that duty.” The FCC said it may order early license reviews or other punitive measures when it “finds that a broadcaster has failed to serve the public interest.” The notice said broadcasters have an “obligation to offer programming responsive to the needs and interests of the local communities they are licensed to serve.”

ABC: FCC order “has no legitimate purpose”

ABC submitted individual filings for WABC-TV in New York; WPVI-TV in Philadelphia; WTVD in Durham, North Carolina; WLS-TV in Chicago; KGO-TV in San Francisco; KFSN-TV in Fresno, California; KTRK-TV in Houston; and KABC-TV in Los Angeles.

The station “submits this license renewal application under protest in response to an unlawful, arbitrary, and unconstitutional Order issued on April 28, 2026, by the Media Bureau,” ABC’s filings said. “The Commission had not demanded early renewal in over five decades. And it has never before demanded simultaneous license renewal applications from a group of stations commonly owned with a network as it has here. The Order has no legitimate purpose.”

ABC said it was filing the applications without waiving any rights and called on the FCC to rescind the order.

“There is no information that the application will reveal that the Commission could not obtain through other means,” ABC wrote. “The Order is inconsistent with a legitimate exercise of investigative authority and is plainly incompatible with the First Amendment. Worse, the Order opens the door to an assault on the Station’s license, while the Commission searches for a legal pretext to achieve its desired goal. This effort to suppress speech under the guise of bureaucratic process must not prevail.”

Carr calls Disney responses “disingenuous”

Carr wrote in an X post yesterday that the “FCC has been investigating Disney for over a year now after reports surfaced alleging that it had been discriminating against people based on race, gender, or other protected characteristics in violation of federal nondiscrimination laws,” and that “Disney only filed these applications to renew their ABC broadcast licenses after the FCC informed the company that their responses to the agency’s investigation had been disingenuous, deficient, and improper.”

ABC said in its filings that the company produced over 11,000 pages of documents in response to a series of FCC requests. ABC said the order to file early license renewals “purports to investigate ‘possible violations’ of the ‘prohibition on unlawful discrimination,’ but never identifies what violation it had in mind.”

“It is not credible to now declare the early renewal process ‘essential’ to the same investigation, particularly when after releasing the Order, the Enforcement Bureau issued yet another request for information to which the Company is required to respond less than 24 hours after [this] filing,” ABC said. “The early renewal procedure is not an investigative tool and adds nothing to the Commission’s investigative capacity.”

Arguing that the order serves as a threat to all broadcasters, ABC said:

When a broadcaster must weigh regulatory retaliation before making editorial decisions, the public loses access to journalism that is free from government influence. The Order—both on its own terms and as a signal to other broadcasters—advances exactly that result. A press that edits itself to avoid government displeasure is not a free press. The Commission should not be the instrument of that outcome.

Legal experts say law on ABC’s side

As we’ve previously written, legal experts say the law is on ABC’s side in its fight against the unusual broadcast license review. Under a 1996 change to communications law, the FCC faces what has been described as “an almost insurmountable burden” for denying a broadcast license renewal. ABC’s eight TV stations are scheduled for renewals between 2028 and 2031, and the FCC order to start the renewal process early doesn’t change those expiration dates.

Carr previously threatened ABC station licenses in September 2025, alleging at the time that airing Jimmy Kimmel’s show might violate the rarely enforced news distortion policy. Carr later opened an equal-time rule investigation into ABC’s The View, even though the interview portions of talk shows have historically been exempt from the rule. Last week, Carr’s FCC opened a proceeding that seeks public comment on whether The View qualifies for the bona fide news exemption to the equal-time rule.

Anna Gomez, the only Democratic commissioner on the FCC, wrote that ABC’s filings “expose the FCC’s actions as nothing more than naked political retribution and an unlawful assault on free speech and a free press.” Gomez also criticized the public notice that warned broadcasters about their public interest obligations.

“The ‘public interest’ does not mean this administration’s interests,” Gomez wrote. “Broadcasters should ignore these latest threats and stiffen their spine. Pushing back is the only thing that will stop this FCC from abusing its power to silence speech and punish independent reporting.”

The deep, dark roots of unending US-Russia rivalry

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The deep, dark roots of unending US-Russia rivalry

Washington’s relationship with Russia appears likely to continue its decades-long decline, with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio saying on May 22 that formal diplomatic talks over the Ukraine war are effectively frozen.

US President Donald Trump’s last meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin took place in August 2025 in Alaska. While the meeting was free from overt hostility, the restrained press conference that followed reflected the cold and distant relationship between the countries, with little meaningful engagement since. No American president has visited Russia since Barack Obama in 2013.

Russia is the only great power with which Washington has an openly adversarial relationship, as Trump’s visit to China in May 2026 and emphasis on his friendship with President Xi Jinping reflect a desire for amicable relations with Beijing, even if it masks greater tensions.

The decaying relationship between Russia and the US has all but erased the international affairs model they built over the second half of the 20th century. Cold War confrontations forced Washington and Moscow to de-escalate through agreements on arms control and maritime encounters, stabilizing relations and setting global standards.

Many of those agreements, along with post-Cold War arrangements and treaties, have since collapsed, and America’s advantage over a weakened post-Soviet Russia has left the balance uneven, reducing once well-defined spheres of influence.

Russia’s struggle to control Ukraine and the uncertainty surrounding Washington’s role in global leadership have been reinforced by each side complicating the other’s position. Yet much of the talk about their antagonism ignores their deeper history of failing to gain traction.

US perceptions of Russia rarely go back before 1945 and the beginning of Cold War tensions, while Russians increasingly refer to the US intervention in the Russian Civil War roughly two decades prior as the starting point of souring relations between them.

However, both countries need to understand that distrust and cooperation have been ebbing and flowing for more than two and a half centuries and require stabilization for their own interests and global well-being.

Early contact

The first official Russian expedition to sight the Alaskan mainland came in 1741, led by Danish navigator Vitus Bering, in search of animals for the lucrative fur trade.

After years of incursions, the first permanent Russian settlement in Alaska was established on Kodiak Island in 1784, and dozens of Russian merchants, explorers, and missionaries began to settle in the region.

American merchants had already established a transatlantic trade relationship with Russia before the US War of Independence, in violation of Britain’s Navigation Act. The Russian Empire’s neutral stance during the war helped build trust that would fuel commerce after, with American traders beginning Arctic trade by the 1790s.

Russia established the Russian-American Company (RAC) as a state-sponsored colonial trading monopoly in 1799 to consolidate Russian commercial interests in North America, basing political administration in Novo-Arkhangelsk (now Sitka, Alaska).

Fort Ross, established in northern California in 1812, became the company’s southernmost outpost. Spain and later independent Mexico both claimed the area, but neither had sufficient presence to deter Russian development, which also unsettled Washington.

In 1821, Russia officially laid claim to much of the Pacific west coast down to the modern US-Canadian border, before American and British objections pushed its claim back to the present southern border of Alaska.

The overlap between expanding Russian and U.S. activity was also felt in Hawaii. The RAC briefly established a foothold at Waimea Bay after a shipwreck in 1815 and had limited success in trade and building relations with different native Hawaiian groups. However, the Russians were forced to withdraw in 1817 after pressure from native groups and Americans.

Still, ongoing Russian development in the Pacific Northwest kept concerns elevated in Washington. In 1823, then-Secretary of State John Quincy Adams told the Russian envoy that the US would “contest the right of Russia to any territorial establishment on… [American continents].”

The Monroe Doctrine, revealed later that year and strongly shaped by Adams, explicitly warned Russia and several other European powers against further expansion in the Americas.

Russia nonetheless continued its efforts to expand its American holdings, and the signing of the Russo-American Treaty for Oregon in 1824 established boundaries between the two powers on the West Coast.

By the late 1830s, the Russian population (which included Russians and other ethnic groups within the empire) peaked at just 823 documented colonists in its American territories.

Contemporary estimates suggest that the Indigenous population was a little more than 10,000, with a further 12,500 known through contract but not formally registered, and approximately 17,000 more living beyond Russian administrative reach.

Continental powers

In “Democracy in America”, published in 1835 and 1840, French political thinker Alexis de Tocqueville refers to Russia and the US as emerging continental powers shaped by Europe but expanding across different frontier regions and following sharply contrasting political trajectories.

The US appeared centered on freedom for settlers, with Russian society based on general servitude. American expansion was often through individual initiatives within a loose democratic system, while Russia advanced under centralized autocracy. Yet both appeared destined to “sway the destinies of half the globe,” stated Tocqueville.

Within decades, they were increasingly crossing paths in the Pacific, and Russia’s decision to abandon its American holdings was a practical one. The 7,500 miles from Alaska across barren Siberia to the centralized leadership in St Petersburg complicated administration.

“On March 30, 1867, US Secretary of State William H. Seward and Russian envoy Baron Edouard de Stoeckl signed the Treaty of Cession. With a stroke of a pen, Tsar Alexander II had ceded Alaska, his country’s last remaining foothold in North America, to the United States for… $7.2 million,” according to an article in The Conversation.

Combined with bankruptcy after wars in Europe, Russia viewed its American territories as increasingly peripheral and under threat from the British, and accepted transferring those regions to Washington. Russia sold Fort Ross in 1841 and Alaska in 1867, ending more than a century of Russian America, as it eyed Central Asia for expansion.

Even before the sale of Russia’s American territories, Moscow and the US had entered a more cooperative phase. Russia offered strong support to the Union during the Civil War, including sending its Baltic and Pacific fleets to winter in New York and San Francisco in 1863.

Tsar Alexander II and US President Abraham Lincoln tied the latter’s emancipation proclamation to the Tsar’s emancipation of Russia’s serfs two years earlier. After the war, parts of the American and Russian elite also explored the idea of longer-term alignment.

But they never found a solid footing. Russia’s push into Manchuria in 1900 conflicted with America’s Open Door Policy in China, and the termination of the Russian-US trade agreement in 1911 pointed further to how fragile their relationship remained.

Russian revolution, US Civil War

The two countries briefly aligned on the same side in World War I. Russia exited the war after the 1917 Revolution, and while the November 1918 armistice ended fighting with Germany, the US forces were still deployed on wartime operations.

“Russia had begun World War I as an ally of England and France. But the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, led by Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky, installed a communist government in Moscow and St. Petersburg that pulled Russia out of the conflict and into peace with Germany,” stated the Smithsonian magazine.

The US public saw the war in Europe draw to a close while troops remained in Russia, still engaged in a mission that had begun under the wider conflict and now continued into the country’s civil war.

The US first sent about 5,000 troops to Arkhangelsk in northern Russia in September 1918 under British command as part of a larger allied intervention. This action was originally intended to prevent any German advances and attempts to access Western weapons stockpiled in Russia, but soon expanded into Western efforts to defeat the Bolsheviks.

In Siberia, US forces led by General William S. Graves arrived in 1918, also part of a larger international deployment. Their instructions were to similarly protect Western munitions stockpiles and control the Trans-Siberian railway to help evacuate the Czechoslovak legion.

There was vague support in Washington for Russians experimenting with self-government in the region, but this support was less ambitious than British, French, and Japanese efforts against the Bolsheviks.

Graves kept his distance from allying with White Russian units, unsettled by reports of atrocities and unwilling to be drawn fully into the civil war. As Bolshevik forces advanced in early 1919, rising American casualties gave the Wilson administration an exit from a campaign few in the country supported, and American forces left by August 1919 from Northern Russia and in April the next year from Siberia.

The US intervention did not, however, end relations with the Soviet state. The Siberian expedition was also about reining in Japanese expansion in the region, which unsettled both Moscow and Washington.

Though Japanese military activity surged after American departure, they left in 1922 following discussions with the consolidated Soviet government and after facing sustained US pressure.

The relationship between the Soviet Union and the US was also aided by Washington’s reluctance to explicitly support either side in the civil war. Notable US figures and politicians from the Progressive movement even expressed favoritism for the Bolsheviks as more democratic than the Tsar.

That’s not to say there wasn’t fear on both sides; the first Red Scare intensified concerns in the US about communism’s impact on culture, politics, and commerce, while the US featured heavily in Soviet political rhetoric.

But while the US didn’t recognize the Soviet state until 1933, the decision opened the way for another brief alliance during World War II.

Modern troubled relations

Much of the rest of US-Russian history is well-known. The Cold War that began after the end of World War II saw Washington and Moscow engaged in a global competition for ideological and military supremacy for almost 50 years, before the Soviet collapse and the emergence of the US-led order.

The short-lived post-Cold War stability didn’t take long to break down. Even amid some earnest instances of cooperation, proxy conflicts in Yugoslavia in the 1990s, Georgia in 2008, Ukraine and Syria in the 2010s, and the full-fledged Russian war in Ukraine since 2022 mark a steady deterioration in relations.

Rising friction in the Caucasus, Libya, Central Asia, and the Arctic further signifies a steady bilateral breakdown that rivals the worst days of the Cold War.

But Russian-American history has shown periods of cooperation and balance that required restraint and concessions from both sides at sensitive moments. Russia and the US remain neighbors, and relations have recovered from lows comparable to the present day.

Stabilizing a great power rivalry that never found its footing would require both countries to reconsider their global and regional roles, rather than continuing to aggravate each other and leading to international tensions alike.

Without building a more stable foundation, the rivalry between the two countries will continue to reassemble itself in new, destructive forms.

John P. Ruehl is an Australian-American journalist living in Washington, D.C., and a world affairs correspondent for the Independent Media Institute. He is a contributor to several foreign affairs publications, and his book, Budget Superpower: How Russia Challenges the West With an Economy Smaller Than Texas’, was published in December 2022. Follow him on X @john_ruehl.

This article was produced by Economy for All, a project of the Independent Media Institute, and is republished with permission

US Brokers Pentagon Talks Between Israel and Lebanon as Hezbollah Disarmament Remains Central Issue

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US Brokers Pentagon Talks Between Israel and Lebanon as Hezbollah Disarmament Remains Central Issue


Israeli and Lebanese military officials are set to hold direct US-mediated security talks at the Pentagon on Friday focused on border security, Hezbollah’s disarmament, and a timeline for an Israeli withdrawal from southern Lebanon, as Washington seeks to move operational discussions forward through military channels.

Military issues, including border arrangements, security coordination, and the mechanics of implementing any future steps will be the focus of the session. Separate political discussions are expected to continue next week at the State Department.

Talks are taking place against the backdrop of continued fighting and ceasefire violations along the Israel-Lebanon front.

The Lebanese Armed Forces are prioritizing a clear ceasefire framework and a timeline for Israel’s withdrawal from southern Lebanon. Israel is demanding steps to disarm Hezbollah and secure the shared border, citing continued drone and rocket fire.

Military-to-military discussions are intended to build on the 45-day ceasefire extension agreed to in mid-May.

On Thursday, Israel carried out a targeted strike in Beirut against Ali al-Husni, identified as the missile commander in the Imam Hussein Division, a force linked to Iran’s Quds Force. The Israel Defence Forces (IDF) has not said whether al-Husni was killed.

The strike followed the IDF’s expansion of military activity in Lebanon beyond the Yellow Line and marked a change in Israeli operations after previous indications that Israel would avoid military action in Beirut.

Israel’s military action followed repeated Hezbollah attacks in recent weeks that caused a number of IDF casualties, as well as drone fire into Israel.

House of the Dragon S3 trailer revels in dragons, fire, and blood

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House of the Dragon S3 trailer revels in dragons, fire, and blood

Some viewers were disappointed that the second season of House of the Dragon ended not with a bang, but a whimper. But the big battle sequence that season 2 set up will open season 3 with a bang, judging by the latest trailer, which has all the dragons, fire, and blood Westeros is known for.

(Spoilers for first two seasons below.)

As previously reported, the series is set nearly 200 years before the events of Game of Thrones, when dragons were still a fixture of Westeros, and chronicles the beginning of the end of House Targaryen’s reign. The primary source material is Fire and Blood, a fictional history of the Targaryen kings written by George R.R. Martin. As book readers know, those events culminated in a civil war and the extinction of the dragons—at least until Daenerys Targaryen came along.

The second season had plenty of politicking and conniving subterfuge, but we didn’t get to see the spectacularly brutal Battle of the Gullet, because HBO trimmed S2’s episode count from 10 to eight. Still, the S2 finale teed it up perfectly, as Rhaenyra (Emma D’Arcy) finally declared outright dragon war following Aemond’s (Ewan Mitchell) reckless destruction of Sharp Point. As for Aegon II (Tom Glynn-Carney), after his brother took over the throne—which, remember, Aegon usurped from the rightful named heir, Rhaenyra—he went into hiding in Braavos, intending to wait out the war.

Much of the main cast—those whose characters survived S2—are returning, including D’Arcy, Glynn-Carney, and Mitchell. Also returning: Olivia Cooke Alicent; Rhys Ifans as Otto Hightower; and Matt Smith as Daemon. Also returning: Steve Toussaint as Corlys; Sonoya Mizuno as Mysaria; Fabien Frankel as Criston Cole; Matthew Needham as Larys; Jefferson Hall as Jason and Tyland Lannister; Harry Collett as Jacaerys; Bethany Antonia as Baela; Phoebe Campbell as Rhaena; Phia Saban as Helaena; Kurt Egyiawan as Orwyle; Kieran Bew as Hugh Hammer; Abubakar Salim as Alyn of Hull; Clinton Liberty as Addam of Hull; Tom Bennett as Ulf White; Freddie Fox as Gwayne Hightower; and Gayle Rankin as Alys Rivers.

Joining the cast for S3 are James Norton as Ormund Hightower; Tommy Flanagan as Roderick Dustin; Dan Fogler as Torrhen Manderly; Tom Cullen as Luthor Largent; Joplin Sibtain as Jon Roxton; Barry Sloane as Adrian Redford; and Annie Shapero as Alysanne Blackwood.

The new trailer opens mid-battle, as we see Daemon thrashing away at an opponent while a dragon lights up the war-torn landscape. “These are turbulent times,” the High Septon says, which seems to be an understatement. Alicent understands the stakes much more clearly when she tells her throne-usurping son, Aemond, “Rhaenyra is coming [to King’s Landing]. You are no longer safe here.”

Yet even as Rhaenyra reclaims her rightful throne, backed up by lots of dragons, there is a whisper campaign underway to convince her subjects that she is “weak and unsuited to rule.” Aemond, of course, is convinced she will fail and is determined to “raise our own throne.” Rhaenyra isn’t helping her cause when she accuses her own council of betraying her and demands they bring the usurper Aegon to her. From her tone, her intentions are far from honorable.

The third season of House of the Dragon premieres on HBO on June 21, 2026. A fourth and final season is already in the works.

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