22.3 C
London
Friday, May 1, 2026
Home Blog

Bennett and Eisenkot Lead Netanyahu in Israeli Prime Minister Suitability Poll

0
bennett-and-eisenkot-lead-netanyahu-in-israeli-prime-minister-suitability-poll
Bennett and Eisenkot Lead Netanyahu in Israeli Prime Minister Suitability Poll


Former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and former Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot both ranked ahead of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in a new suitability-for-prime-minister poll published Friday, as Israel’s opposition parties continue testing new alignments ahead of a future election.

The Lazar Research survey, conducted with Panel4All, found that 46% of respondents viewed Bennett as suitable for the premiership and 44% said the same of Eisenkot, compared with 41% for Netanyahu. In a direct comparison between Bennett and Eisenkot, 33% preferred Eisenkot, 32% chose Bennett, and 35% said they did not know.

The poll also showed mixed results for the new Together electoral list, formed by Bennett and Opposition Leader Yair Lapid. It would still be the largest faction if elections were held now, but its projected strength fell to 28 seats from the 31 seats Bennett and Lapid’s parties had held separately in the previous week’s polling.

The survey found no clear public consensus on whether Eisenkot should join Together. Thirty-four percent said he should accept Lapid’s offer to run as No. 2 on the combined electoral list, 30% said he should continue independently, and 36% were undecided.

The current coalition bloc gained one seat in the poll, reaching 50, while the opposition bloc, excluding Arab parties, fell to 60 seats. Within the coalition, National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir’s Otzma Yehudit rose to nine seats. In the opposition, Yair Golan’s Democrats climbed to 10, while Eisenkot’s Yashar party dropped to 14.

A possible moderate right-wing slate led by former Likud figures, including Yuli Edelstein, Moshe Kahlon, and Gilad Erdan, received 3.5% support, leaving it close to the electoral threshold.

The poll was conducted April 29–30 among 501 Israeli adults and had a 4.4% margin of error.

There’s a lot of hype about Chinese EVs—is any of it true?

0
there’s-a-lot-of-hype-about-chinese-evs—is-any-of-it-true?
There’s a lot of hype about Chinese EVs—is any of it true?

The Beijing Auto Show is currently taking place in China, offering those of us behind the Trump tariff curtain a peek at what’s increasingly being dubbed the world’s most advanced car market. Chinese EVs leave everyone else in the dust, we’re told, with infotainment that makes your smartphone look like a StarTac, range numbers that would make a turbodiesel Audi weep, and charging that might be even faster than filling up with gas, depending on the size of your tank.

As an American, I mostly have to take someone else’s word for that. If there’s one thing Democratic politicians can agree on with Republicans, even now, it’s that they don’t want cars from Chinese automakers on US roads. Toward the end of his administration, President Joe Biden levied a 100 percent tariff on Chinese EVs. Under the Biden and then Trump administrations, Congress passed a law restricting the sale of Chinese-linked connected car software in the US. President Trump has added further tariffs to Chinese imports, making their cars even less competitive here. And just this week, more than 70 Democratic representatives called for maintaining barriers to Chinese cars for both national security and economic reasons.

This puts those elected officials increasingly out of step with popular sentiment on the Internet (I’m using the Ars comments and social media platform Bluesky as my bellwethers). From what I can see, there’s strong appetite for those sweet, cheap Chinese electric vehicles. Headlines like Reuters’ claim that “[f]or the average price of a car in the US, you could buy 5 new Chinese EVs” only reinforce that sentiment.

And why wouldn’t people want them? The average price of a new vehicle in the US in 2025 rose to $50,326 by year’s end. That’s up from ~$40,000 in 2020 and $35,000 in 2015. (Those numbers are for the mean; the medians are slightly less, but the difference is not great.)

Despite the sharp increase in 2020 caused by the pandemic and its associated supply shortages, average sales prices appear to have risen relatively linearly over time, according to Cox Automotive’s data set. And according to Federal Reserve data, wages have also grown steadily (much of it in the lower four quintiles during the Biden administration).

People visit the booths of Mercedes-Benz and Beijing Automotive Group Co., Ltd. during the 2026 Beijing International Automotive Exhibition in Beijing, capital of China, April 26, 2026. The 2026 Beijing International Automotive Exhibition, which kicked off here on Friday, opens for professional visitors from April 26 to 27. The show in China's capital city has set a new global record for scale, spanning 380,000 square meters across two venues, with 1,451 vehicles on display -- 181 of them premieres and 71 concept cars. (Photo by Ju Huanzong/Xinhua via Getty Images)

The auto show might be dead in the US and Europe, but it’s apparently alive and kicking in China.

The auto show might be dead in the US and Europe, but it’s apparently alive and kicking in China. Credit: Ju Huanzong/Xinhua via Getty Images

But for most of the 2010s, interest rates were zero or close to it; today, they very much are not. So financed purchases feel even more expensive than the raw inflation statistics would suggest. And it’s exacerbating as, according to the Fed, American car buyers are borrowing twice as much as they did in 2009, and for longer. Consumer advice orgs like Edmunds might suggest a 60-month loan, but many car buyers are now financing vehicles over 72 or 84 months to keep their monthly payments down.

No wonder buying a car feels increasingly unaffordable.

Some of the concerns are legitimate

Much of the opposition from lawmakers has been framed in terms of protecting domestic jobs. These are not entirely spurious fears: 952,000 people work in motor vehicle and parts manufacturing in the US, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Some work for Ford and General Motors and the cluster of Stellantis brands we still think of as domestic. But European, Japanese, and Korean automakers also employ tens of thousands of workers, not to mention Tesla and the other startups. There’s even more work for suppliers further up the parts chain.

Those jobs are indeed at risk if China were to flood the US with cheap imports. China has been directly subsidizing its green industries to dominate those in Europe and the US (above and beyond the kinds of consumer-facing incentives that the EU and, until recently, the US, also provide). But the advantages of the Chinese car industry go far beyond that. Chinese average wages are a quarter of those in the US, and being able to throw more workers at a factory while still keeping overheads lower than your rivals gives Chinese OEMs a cost advantage. Even more favorable financing terms with suppliers, or not having to pay to license foreign intellectual property, gives them a real boost, according to analysts.

That’s why the European Central Bank blamed Chinese competition for causing 240,000 job losses, many of them in the auto industry. There’s plenty of alarm sounding from industry executives right now, too. Ford CEO Jim Farley, who spent months driving Chinese cars daily, said last week that there’s enough excess capacity in China’s car industry to easily swallow the 12 million or so cars currently bought each year in the US. And Koji Sato, outgoing president and CEO at Toyota, warned last month that Japanese automakers were doomed unless they could learn to match the speed of innovation of their new Chinese competitors.

The other stated reason for blocking Chinese cars is the threat to privacy and national security. Again, there are valid concerns here. Just ask the Chinese government, which stopped allowing Teslas to drive near its military bases and other sensitive locations more than five years ago, although that ban was recently dropped after Tesla began complying with Chinese data-security rules. Among those rules? For almost a decade, Chinese automakers have had to hand over copious amounts of data on their customers’ driving habits to their government.

Are we getting the whole story?

For all the breathless coverage we read (or see on TikTok or Reels, perhaps), it’s very rarely mentioned that those Chinese EVs aren’t nearly as cheap when they’re imported into Europe. Yes, they’re undercutting the competition, but once the cars have been specced to meet European expectations, they might cost more than double their Chinese retail price. So the cars are a few thousand euros or pounds cheaper than established alternatives, but they’re hardly the bargains the Internet has promised you.

Parked BYD Co. Dolphin Surf electric vehicle at the model launch event in Paris, France, on Wednesday, May 21, 2025. The launch of the Dolphin Surf, a fully-electric hatchback, will likely strengthen BYD's foothold in Europe at a time when Chinese EV makers have been losing momentum on the continent. Photographer: Cyril Marcilhacy/Bloomberg via Getty Images

The BYD Dolphin might start at under $14,000 in China, but in the UK, the cheapest one will cost twice that—before you factor in the 20 percent VAT. Just something to consider.

The BYD Dolphin might start at under $14,000 in China, but in the UK, the cheapest one will cost twice that—before you factor in the 20 percent VAT. Just something to consider. Credit: Cyril Marcilhacy/Bloomberg via Getty Images

Did I mention that those Chinese prices have been kept artificially low thanks to a price war among China’s hundreds of car companies, driven by government policies that incentivized overproduction?

That price war is mostly over now at the behest of the Chinese government, but the overproduction problem is quite real: China has the capacity to build about 45 million cars a year; last year, it built about 34 million cars, and fewer than half were sold domestically. The flood of Chinese car exports to the rest of the world does not stem from some kind of altruistic intention from President Xi Jinping to increase global mobility.

Those inexpensive cars are also cheap because they make do with small batteries, and the range numbers are based on China’s CLTC test. That bears little resemblance to the EPA’s testing, which remains the closest approximation of real-world efficiency for EVs.

Let’s be clear: Short-range EVs have been a sales disaster in the US. It’s ludicrous to pretend otherwise. This country’s car buyers’ obsession with being able to drive 300 miles uninterrupted, then stop for five minutes before covering another 300 miles, is undeniable. It’s also why every automaker selling a car here now puts such a large, heavy, and expensive battery pack between the wheels of their respective EVs. There’s a reason the Model S made as much of an impact as it did in 2012—200 miles of range was unheard of. Likewise, when the Chevy Bolt hit the street in early 2017 with a legit 238 miles for a fraction of the price, it was a significant achievement.

The small, short-range EVs that predate or co-existed alongside those—let’s call them second-gen lithium-ion EVs that began with the Model S—were compliance cars, offering maybe 150 miles of range on a good day. Unsurprisingly, America turned its nose up at them. The gas-powered Smart Car didn’t even suffer from an EV’s long recharging times or higher purchase price, and no one can credibly pretend those were a sales success here, either.

The marketeers might have pushed people from sedans to SUVs, but they’re not responsible for an environment in which every street has to be wide enough for two fire engines—that’s on your local fire department and the American Association of State Highway and Transportation Officials.

Policies can push things the other way. Kei cars are popular in Japan not because of an inherent preference for tiny cars but because you can’t buy a car in Japan without having a parking space for it, and a tiny Kei-sized space is much cheaper than one large enough for a compact car by European, American, or Chinese standards. I recently contacted the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration to see if there’s been any movement on the Trump edict to bring them to US roads but have not heard back for a couple of weeks now.

This is what you want?

Li Auto interior.

Li Auto L6 interior.

Nio interior.

NIO ET9 interior.

Zeekr interior

The Zeekr 9X interior.

An Aito M9 inteiror

The interior of the Seres AITO M9.

Then there are the cars themselves. Again, I’m mostly judging customer sentiment by 12+ years of reader comments and from what people post on social media, but I had thought we agreed that car interfaces that rely almost entirely on touchscreens are not a positive industry trend. They save OEMs time and money, but a touch interface is unequivocally less safe than buttons, which have to be individually homologated and individually assembled, and in this smartphone age, I certainly don’t think the front seat passenger needs a whole extra screen just for them.

But that’s what Chinese OEMs are offering, and that’s what we’re told rivals the invention of the presliced breadloaf in the grand discussion of “best things.” Think of every trend in the automotive industry of the last decade that you hate, and you’ll probably find plenty of it baked into new Chinese EVs. (On the other hand, LED headlights that also work as movie projectors are kinda cool—not gonna lie.)

Are we truly crying out for even more of a smartphone experience in our cars? I don’t know about you, but when I’m behind the wheel, it’s a guaranteed time of day when I can’t and won’t be doomscrolling. If the point is to give me something to do while I’m charging, why won’t the phone I already have work?

And that’s before the vehicles are crammed full of AI. Chinese automakers have become a new vanguard in the nation’s latest five-year plan, with a “revolution” spanning design and production, as well as in-car features like letting you give vague, natural-language directions instead of specifying a specific destination.

One might think that last bit of news would land like a lead balloon among communities with a high degree of disgust for AI. Then again, perhaps not. Principles like solidarity with workers or a commitment to road safety or being distrustful of AI are easy to maintain in the abstract if all they require is the occasional post on the Internet or social media.

Shocking Brady Bunch Secret Finally Spills After Decades

0
shocking-brady-bunch-secret-finally-spills-after-decades
Shocking Brady Bunch Secret Finally Spills After Decades


More than 50 years after The Brady Bunch made them household names, two of its biggest stars are finally admitting what fans always suspected — things nearly turned romantic behind the scenes.

Christopher Knight is breaking his silence about his longtime connection with former TV sister Eve Plumb, revealing there was a real spark… but the timing just never worked.

And yes — they even went on a date.

Plumb, now 68, recently dropped the bombshell that shortly after the show wrapped in the 1970s, the pair tested the waters. But instead of fireworks, it ended with laughs.

“It was sweet… but we were already too good of friends,” she admitted.

Now Knight is opening up — and his version only adds more intrigue.

“She always had her claim on me,” Knight confessed in a new interview. “But I wasn’t there.”

That’s right — while Plumb may have been ready for something more, Knight says he simply didn’t see it at the time. Growing up on set from ages 10 to 16, he says his entire world revolved around the Brady cast, making emotions complicated.

By the time he finally caught on? It was too late.

“Right as I might have been ready… we were off the air,” he revealed.

Talk about missed timing.

Knight now believes their almost-romance may have been doomed from the start — and says it might be for the best.

“It wasn’t destined,” he admitted. “And I’m glad.”

Why? Because turning that bond into a real relationship could have cost them something even more valuable — their decades-long friendship.

“Exes don’t usually stay close,” he pointed out.

Instead, the two have remained tight for decades, still keeping in touch regularly — even hopping on monthly Zoom calls with their spouses.

Plumb has been married to Ken Pace since 1995, while Knight tied the knot with Cara Kokenes a year later.

Looking back, Knight summed up their almost-love story with a striking image:

“It’s like getting a kiss on two different trains right as they separate.”

A near-romance frozen in time — and one that fans of America’s most famous TV family are only just fully discovering.

War in the Gulf and on US free speech

0
war-in-the-gulf-and-on-us-free-speech
War in the Gulf and on US free speech

Brent crude oil surged to US$126 (£94) a barrel after US president Donald Trump announced that he was willing to prolong the blockade of Iranian ports for “months if needed”. This conflict has been billed as a matter of who can absorb the most pain. And Trump is betting on it being the US.

Trump has been rather bullish in his public pronouncements of late, declaring that Iran is in a “state of collapse”. Reports that the country’s inflation rate has risen to 50% from 40% since the war began at the end of February would seem to back this assessment.

The damage done to Iran’s economy will be made worse if the country is forced to shut down oil production due to a lack of storage capacity, something Trump is also confident about. He told Axios: “The blockade is somewhat more effective than the bombing. They are choking like a stuffed pig.”

Now in its eighth week, the conflict is having knock-on effects throughout the region and beyond. Perhaps the most telling sign this week was the announcement by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) that it was quitting Opec, the oil producers’ cartel.

Adi Imsirovic, an energy expert at the University of Oxford, believes that while this decision has been brewing for some time – UAE and Opec’s de facto leader, Saudi Arabia, are at loggerheads over the civil war in Yemen and conflicts in Sudan and across the Horn of Africa. But the war has sharpened political sensibilities across the Gulf. Abu Dhabi has been unhappy about the lack of support from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) after being on the receiving end of intense bombardment from Iran.

Meanwhile, it has chafed under production quotas imposed by the cartel, which it sees as being well short – unfairly so – of its production capacity. When the Strait of Hormuz opens and countries begin to restock their reserves, UAE believes it can cash in on increased demand.

For Imsirovic, the episode reveals something deeper: as the transition by much of the world to retool their economies away from dependence on fossil fuels, big producers like the UAE worry about being left with oil in the ground that nobody wants. Hence the desire to pump out more oil without being constrained by Opec quotas.


Read more: UAE’s departure from Opec tells a story about the limited future of oil production


Another question inevitably raised by the Middle East conflict and the chokehold that the Strait of Hormuz has over energy markets is why nobody has figured out an alternative route. After all, Iran has been threatening to close the strait whenever threatened since the early 1980s.

The fact is, various countries have figured out an alternative route, writes David B. Roberts of King’s College London; it’s just not big enough to cope. The East-West Pipeline (or Petroline) can pipe oil across the Saudi peninsula at a rate of 5-7 million barrels a day. This compares with an estimated 20 million barrels that transit the Strait of Hormuz in normal times.

A map showing the East-West Pipeline in Saudi Arabia and the Abu Dhabi Crude Oil Pipeline in the United Arab Emirates.

The East-West Pipeline in Saudi Arabia and the Abu Dhabi Crude Oil Pipeline in the United Arab Emirates are two crucial Hormuz workarounds. Peter Hermes Furian / Shutterstock

The Abu Dhabi crude oil pipeline, which takes oil from the Habshan onshore field in Abu Dhabi and runs to Fujairah on the Gulf of Oman handles less than 2 million barrels per day. Both pipelines have been damaged by Iran during the war. And both were operating before the Strait of Hormuz was closed, so the idea that these pipelines can replace the strait is not feasible.


Read more: What alternatives do Gulf states have to the Strait of Hormuz?


Trump assassination attempt

It was shocking and depressing to read of another apparent attempt on the US president’s life – the third in two years – at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner on Saturday. It was the first of these dinners that Trump had attended since 2011 when he was famously the butt of Barack Obama’s jokes in the by-now familiar comedy “roast” that is traditionally a highlight of the evening.

A man armed with two guns and a knife attempted to enter the ballroom where the dinner was being held, so the principals were evacuated and the dinner broke up in disarray. It later emerged that the would-be assassin had written a “manifesto” in which he revealed his hatred for the US president.

White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt blamed what she called “hateful and constant and violent rhetoric directed at President Trump”, which she said had “helped to legitimise this violence and bring us to this dark moment”. She pointed the finger at the US Democrats and “some in the media”.

White House press secretary addresses the press in the Press Briefing Room.

‘You’re part of the problem’: White House press secretary berated the media for creating a politically polarising climate. EPA/Jim Lo Scalzo

Seeking to link the assassination attempt to political rhetoric is a pretty direct attack on the first amendment to the US constitution, which protects free speech, writes Eliza Bechtold, a US constitutional law expert at the University of Oxford. The Trump administration has a track record of lionising the first amendment when it suits them (the January 6 US Capitol rioters were characterised by some as peaceful protesters exercising first amendment rights). But attacking the media or the Democrats for their criticisms of Trump’s administration is, writes Bechtold, a denial of everything the first amendment was designed to do.


Read more: Trump uses assassination attempt to justify his assault on first amendment rights to free speech


But not everyone in Trump’s Maga movement is now singing from the authorised songbook, writes Clodagh Harrington of the University of Cork. First it was Marjorie Taylor Greene, once a fervent Trump fan in the House of Representatives, now a bitter critic – who jumped ship in 2025, largely due to what she sees as his mishandling of the Epstein files.

More recently, it has been former Fox host Tucker Carlson, who has gone from introducing Trump at election rallies in 2024, to apologising to the US public for “misleading” them into voting for Trump. For Carlson, it’s the Iran war that flies in the face of one of Trump’s core election promises: no new wars.

Mind you, Harrington notes, Carlson’s move may also be dictated by a dream to launch his own presidential run in 2028. A TV personality running for president? Well, it has been known.


Read more: Is Trump losing the support of his Maga base?


Asian currencies wilting in the Iran war’s heat

0
asian-currencies-wilting-in-the-iran-war’s-heat
Asian currencies wilting in the Iran war’s heat

TOKYO – India and Indonesia aren’t often at the center of the global financial zeitgeist. But as the rupee and rupiah lead Asian currencies down and down, events in Mumbai and Jakarta speak to the ways the Iran war is imperiling economies everywhere – and at an accelerating rate. 

In the two months since bombs first fell on Tehran, Asian governments have been racing to sandbag financial systems from energy supply shocks. They’ve restricted fuel use, amped up subsidies, made the biggest work-from-home pivot since the Covid-19 crisis and dispatched diplomats to secure other oil sources.

Yet as the conflict stretches into a third month and oil trades above $120 per barrel, the rupee, rupiah and currencies of nations with chronic fiscal and current-account deficits are already short of options. And a sense of panic is setting in as the giant game of chicken between the US and Iran plays out.

At the Reserve Bank of India headquarters in Mumbai, officials are trying to put a floor under the exchange rate. This week, the rupee fell to another record low — this time hitting 95.34 to the US dollar. The drop could accelerate if the RBI can’t stop foreign funds from fleeing.

Topping the RBI to-do list is curbing excessive volatility and taming speculative bets. The RBI, for example, has told banks to limit their foreign currency exposure to a maximum of US$100 million at the end of each trading day. It means Indian banks will have to cut dollar holdings.

Governor Sanjay Malhotra’s team is tapping the RBI’s massive foreign exchange reserves — which topped $700 billion in late April — to support the rupee in the spot and forward markets.

The RBI is tightening regulations on so-called non-deliverable forwards (NDFs). Effectively, it stops banks from offering related derivative contracts to clients, limiting investors’ latitude to bet against the rupee in overseas markets.

The RBI is getting granular as well. It slapped curbs on rebooking previous foreign exchange contracts. This alone could force the unwinding of as much as $50 billion in arbitrage trades.

In Jakarta, Bank Indonesia is stepping up efforts to defend the rupiah. BI Governor Perry Warjiyo’s team is scrambling to tighten monetary policy, engage in aggressive market intervention and restrict foreign exchange management.

Clearly, the rupiah being back at the 17,000 level versus the US dollar for the first time since the 1997-98 Asian financial crisis is its own warning sign.

The downward pressure is coming from US dollar strength, capital outflows, rising energy costs and renewed worries about fiscal sustainability. The latest risk is that foreign investors are selling Indonesian government bonds.

As Warjiyo said on April 22: “Bank Indonesia is prepared to implement a further strengthening of monetary policy as needed to maintain the stability of the rupiah exchange rate and keep inflation in 2026 and 2027 within the target range.”

Much depends on how long the Middle East war drags on. “If the Iran war ends soon,” says Jason Tuvey at Capital Economics, “we think there’s a good chance that BI will lean towards cutting rates towards the end of the year.”

Yet that “if” is getting bigger by the day. In the interim, currency traders are pricing in around a 33% chance that the rupiah weakens to 18,000 over the next three months. Bets on a weaker Philippine peso are also taking on a life of their own.

Clearly, “more credible signs of de-escalation are needed to ease depreciation pressures,” says Lloyd Chan, a strategist at MUFG Bank.

Risks from the stalled ceasefire, a dual blockade on the Strait of Hormuz and surging inflation mean “Asian currencies are far from out of danger — and a ceasefire collapse could trigger a recessionary spiral,” Ashwin Binwani, founder of Alpha Binwani Capital, tells Bloomberg. “The structural reality is brutal for most Asian currencies.”

Binwani thinks the rupiah and peso are the “most vulnerable” as the war continues to drive commodity prices higher.

Not that the weak yen isn’t grabbing headlines. The yen surged by as much as 3% on Thursday, the most in a day in over three years, amid reports Tokyo intervened for the first time since 2024 to stabilize the falling currency.

Japanese Finance Minister Satsuki Katayama said the time to take “decisive action” had arrived, her strongest signal yet of potential intervention to prop up the sagging yen. With the yen flirting with the psychologically important 160 level, it’s not clear if it’ll work.

“Past intervention has had only a temporary effect on the yen if the underlying fundamentals haven’t ​shifted,” says Kristina Clifton, senior currency strategist at Commonwealth Bank of Australia. “Continued yen depreciation may prompt several rounds of intervention, which in turn would cause larger two-way ‌swings” in the dollar-yen rate.

All this means “the key region to watch is Asia, where dependence on physical energy deliveries from the Middle East is highest,” notes Elliot Hentov, a strategist at State Street Investment Management.

Hentov explains that early signs of inflation pass-through are now emerging, with the Philippines the first emerging-market central bank to tighten policy.

Further rate hikes across the emerging markets appear likely, though there remains a case for central banks to look through near-term inflation toward the eventual growth slowdown—and accompanying disinflationary forces — and stay on hold. “It is at this juncture that scenario outcomes and policy responses diverge most materially,” he says.

The bottom line, Hentov notes, “re-escalation of war is still possible, but the core risk is an elongated diplomatic process where energy flows remain blocked. Risk assets globally do not seem priced according to the probabilities of sustained disruption and mounting economic costs in energy-sensitive regions and sectors.”

A big question is what happens with the dollar. In 1997, a multi-year dollar rally made Asia’s currency pegs impossible to maintain.

First, Thailand devalued the then-pegged baht. Next Indonesia. Then South Korea. All three went hat in hand to the International Monetary Fund and other agencies for giant bailouts totaling $118 billion. The turmoil also pushed Malaysia and the Philippines to the brink.

Since then, emerging markets have been very sensitive to the specter of the Fed hiking rates. Case in point: the 2013 Fed “taper tantrum.”

Market jitters over mere hints that the Fed might be hitting the brakes prompted Morgan Stanley to publish a “fragile five” list that no emerging economy wanted to be on. The original group: Brazil, India, Indonesia, South Africa and Turkey. 

Now, a surging dollar is complicating Asia’s development plans anew. History’s greatest magnet is luring capital from every corner of the globe, hogging liquidity needed to finance budget deficits, keep bond yields stable and support equity markets.

The Iran war has the dollar’s wrecking-ball tendencies bursting back onto the scene. Despite the US national debt nearing $40 trillion, high inflation and US President Donald Trump’s tariffs, tax cuts and profligate spending, the dollar is rising — against all odds and economic fundamentals.

Despite Trump’s policy chaos, the US bond market is still acting as a safe haven, says David Lubin, an economist at Chatham House.

“As anxiety levels rise during a crisis, institutional investors and governments flock to dollar-denominated assets because US capital markets are easier to trade in and out of than any others; and because the ability of the Federal Reserve to act as lender and liquidity-provider of last resort is second to none.”

But, Lubin adds, “global trust in the US seems to be eroding, both before and during this year’s war on Iran.”

So, he notes, “it’s worth asking whether the dollar’s safe-haven status is showing any signs of ill-health. The performance of US asset prices may say less about the dollar’s status than it does about the relative insulation of the US economy from the crisis.”

The quick answer is no, “but it would be wrong to conclude that all is well, for two reasons,” Lubin says. “In the first place, the performance of US asset prices may say less about the dollar’s status than it does about the relative insulation of the US economy from the crisis. And second, China’s capital markets are emerging really very well from the current crisis, which might give Washington some pause for thought.”

The same goes for the intensifying drama at the Fed. In mid-May, Trump will get his long-stated wish to replace Jerome Powell as Fed chair.

Though Trump 1.0 named Powell to the job in 2018, the two men have been at loggerheads during the Trump 2.0 era. Yet as Trump’s pick to replace Powell takes the helm, Kevin Warsh will be under extreme pressure to cut rates – and fast.

Warsh, though, is sure to encounter strong pushback from Fed board members – including Powell, who’s staying on as a governor – with inflation heating up. In March, the personal consumption expenditures price index, the Fed’s preferred inflation barometer, increased at a 3.5% rate year-on-year.

“Warsh would be a more dovish voice” who “would lobby for an aggressive reduction in the size of the Fed’s balance sheet, and would attempt to make significant changes to the Fed’s communication strategy, says economist Nancy Vanden Houten at Oxford Economics.

“TheFed chair can’t make such changes unilaterally, however, and we expect the need for Warsh to build consensus would limit the extent of changes in policy or how the Fed communicates.”

Asia will be on the frontlines of this standoff between Fed doves and hawks. Yet it’s already there when it comes to fallout from the US-Israeli war in Iran. Asia’s currencies are flashing red warning signs for the global economy, which could presage disaster if the war in Iran reignites and fuel flows remain blocked for much longer.

Follow William Pesek on X at @WilliamPesek

Blue Origin certainly has ambitious launch targets for New Glenn

0
blue-origin-certainly-has-ambitious-launch-targets-for-new-glenn
Blue Origin certainly has ambitious launch targets for New Glenn

Earlier this week, Blue Origin posted a job opportunity for a “senior manager” to oversee tank fabrication for “Quattro,” and the description contained some intriguing information.

“As part of a hardworking team of specialists, technicians, and engineers you will be the Senior Manager of Gen 2.0 Tank Fabrication, and will own the production execution of the most structurally complex and schedule-critical subsystem on the vehicle—the propellant tank,” the job posting states.

Quattro is the company’s nickname for a more powerful upper stage for the New Glenn rocket, which will feature four BE-3U engines instead of the two currently powering the booster. Blue Origin revealed plans for this more powerful variant of New Glenn, 9×4 (nine first stage engines, and four upper stage engines), last November.

It is possible this rocket, significantly larger than the 7×2 variant currently flying and necessary for the company’s lunar ambitions as part of NASA’s Artemis program, could make its debut next year.

Get ready to ramp production

There is some additional information in the posting that underscores the ambition Blue Origin is chasing with its New Glenn vehicle, which has launched three times since its initial flight in January 2025.

The job responsibilities include executing a “rate ramp”—which is to say, a production rate—of 12 per year currently to 60 per year by the third quarter of 2028, followed by a production rate of 100 second stages annually by 2029. A company official told Ars that these production targets are accurate.

For the time being, Blue Origin is still studying whether to pursue a reusable upper stage for New Glenn, so each launch of the vehicle requires a new upper stage. A production rate of 60 a year in 2028 suggests the company is targeting a launch rate of 60 New Glenn 9×4 rockets annually just three years from now. That would be in addition to the 7×2 variant currently flying, which would continue to be used for less demanding missions.

Building lots of infrastructure

These targets, of course, are overly optimistic. Before the year 2025, for example, Blue Origin founder Jeff Bezos told the company he wanted New Glenn to launch eight times that year. It ended up flying twice, in January and November. And frankly, for such a large and new rocket, that is not a bad flight rate at all, especially with the company landing the first stage of the second New Glenn launch successfully.

The company is also dealing with an upper stage anomaly on the most recent launch of New Glenn earlier this month. So no one should be penciling in several dozen launches a year before the end of this decade just yet.

However, it would also be foolish to dismiss Blue Origin’s aspiration to launch the super heavy lift rocket frequently. Bezos continues to make major investments in infrastructure in Florida, most recently in an 800,000-square-foot new manufacturing facility known as “Project Horizon.” It is possible that New Glenn second stages could be manufactured at this facility.

And if you want to be the person responsible for building 100 tanks a year for these stages, it sounds like Blue Origin has a job open for you.

Facebook, Instagram charged with breaching rules, must do more to protect kids below 13, EU says

0
facebook,-instagram-charged-with-breaching-rules,-must-do-more-to-protect-kids-below-13,-eu-says
Facebook, Instagram charged with breaching rules, must do more to protect kids below 13, EU says


Meta Platform’ Facebook and Instagram were charged on Wednesday with breaching landmark EU ​tech rules and must do more to prevent children ‌under 13 from accessing both social networks, EU regulators said on Wednesday.

The charges under the Digital Services Act, which requires Big ​Tech to do more to tackle illegal and harmful ​content on their platforms, came after a two-year ⁠long investigation by the European Commission.

The EU tech enforcer ​said Meta does not do enough to enforce its restrictions ​against children under 13 from using Facebook and Instagram and that measures to identify and remove them when they do access the services ​were inadequate.

It said 10-12% of children under 13 in ​Europe use Facebook and Instagram.

“Our preliminary findings show that Instagram and ‌Facebook ⁠are doing very little to prevent children below this age from accessing their services,” EU tech chief Henna Virkkunen said in a statement.

“Terms and conditions should not be mere ​written statements, but ​rather the ⁠basis for concrete action to protect users – including children,” she said.

The Commission said both platforms ​must change their risk assessment methodology and ​that they ⁠need to strengthen measures to prevent, detect and remove minors from their services.

Meta can respond to the charges and ⁠take measures ​before the Commission issues a ​decision. DSA breaches can cost companies fines as much as 6% of their ​global annual turnover.

Democratic Leaders Wanted to Control the Maine Senate Race. Their Pick Just Dropped Out.

0
democratic-leaders-wanted-to-control-the-maine-senate-race-their-pick-just-dropped-out.
Democratic Leaders Wanted to Control the Maine Senate Race. Their Pick Just Dropped Out.


The Democratic Party’s pick for Maine senator suspended her candidacy on Thursday. Democratic Gov. Janet Mills, who entered the race as the establishment pick and assumed favorite, announced her campaign did not have the financial resources to continue.

Mills’s exit less than six weeks before the June primary clears the path for populist candidate Graham Platner, now the presumed nominee, to face off against incumbent Republican Sen. Susan Collins in the November general election after the party worked to subdue Platner’s campaign. The Democratic Party’s decision to wade into the primary at all had reignited a criticism that the Democratic establishment would stop at nothing to keep progressives out of Congress.

“The Democratic establishment — and especially calcified Senate leadership — is learning in real time that they are wildly out of touch with what Democratic primary voters want,” said Amanda Litman, co-founder of Run for Something, which recruits young progressive candidates for office. “The establishment simply doesn’t have the juice (or the trust) anymore.”

By the time Mills, 78, ended her campaign on Thursday, party leaders had changed their tune on Platner. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, who backed Mills early in the race, released a statement with New York Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand, the chair of Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, saying that Collins “has never been more vulnerable” and that they would work with Platner to beat her. The DSCC had financially backed Mills’s campaign, forming a joint fundraising committee with her in October. And they stuck by Mills even as her campaign appeared to languish. 

Platner, once considered a long-shot candidate marred by controversy, has surged this year in fundraising and polling. In a statement in January, Gillibrand said she was “very optimistic” about Mills’s race. In February, when polling numbers came out showing Platner beating Mills with 64 percent support to her 26, Schumer remained in her corner. 

The upset marks “a massive embarrassment for Chuck Schumer and DSCC operatives,” a Democratic strategist told The Intercept, speaking on the condition of anonymity for fear of professional reprisal. “This was their star recruit and she couldn’t even make it to the election. No longer can they be the gatekeepers.” 

Platner has faced a slew of controversies since launching his campaign last year, including revelations that he had a Nazi tattoo and had posted a series of regrettable comments on Reddit. Those pitfalls led many of Platner’s critics to compare him to another populist Democratic darling who took a hard turn to the right after entering Congress: Sen. John Fetterman, D-Pa.

On Thursday, Fetterman made clear that he would not welcome the comparison. While other members of his party prepared to embrace Platner, Fetterman told reporters: “Democrats really, really like Platner in Maine, but the Republicans fucking love him. If Maine wants an asshole with a Nazi tattoo on his chest, they get him.”

In a statement on Thursday, Platner said he looked forward to working with Mills to defeat Collins in November. “This race has never been about me or about any one person. It’s about a movement of working Mainers who are fed up with being robbed by billionaires and the politicians they own, and who are taking back their power.” 

The day before she dropped out of the race, The Associated Press published an article about Mills campaigning as an underdog in the race despite having the resume for the job. On Thursday, Mills’s campaign was over.

India’s softer tone on Bangladesh hits a hard note in Assam

0
india’s-softer-tone-on-bangladesh-hits-a-hard-note-in-assam
India’s softer tone on Bangladesh hits a hard note in Assam

Dhaka on Thursday (April 30) issued a sharp diplomatic protest by summoning India’s acting High Commissioner, Pawan Badhe, following controversial remarks by Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma that Bangladesh says undermine bilateral ties.

Officials at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs called in the envoy, where Director General (South Asia) Ishrat Jahan conveyed Dhaka’s “strong displeasure” over what it described as “disparaging” comments.

The move, the first such summons since the Bangladesh Nationalist Party-led government assumed office in February, signals how quickly rhetorical excess can spill into formal diplomacy.

The immediate provocation is striking for its bluntness. CM Sarma reportedly said he “prays” that relations between India and Bangladesh do not improve, arguing instead that ties should continue to deteriorate. It is rare for a senior elected official in a neighboring country to articulate, so openly, a preference for diplomatic decline.

Dhaka’s response was therefore less about theatrics than about drawing a line: such language, left unchecked, corrodes the foundations of an already delicate relationship.

Yet the episode is not an aberration. It reflects a longer pattern of rhetoric emanating from Assam’s political arena, where Bangladesh has often been cast less as a partner and more as a problem.

Himanta Biswa Sarma has repeatedly framed Bangladesh in security terms — warning of “infiltration”, alleging demographic pressure and invoking threats to India’s northeast. Over time, such framing has seeped into administrative practice, most notably in periodic “push-in” operations along the border.

These push-ins — where individuals alleged to be undocumented migrants are forced across the frontier—have been a recurring irritant. Bangladeshi border authorities have, on multiple occasions, reported groups of people being sent across by India’s Border Security Force without verification of nationality.

In several instances, those pushed in were found to be Indian citizens or long-term residents lacking documentation rather than Bangladeshi nationals. Each episode triggers localized tension, erodes trust between border forces and feeds a narrative in Bangladesh that parts of India’s state machinery view it through a lens of suspicion and expediency.

The political utility of such rhetoric in Assam is not hard to decipher. Migration — real, perceived, and politicized — has long been central to the state’s electoral discourse. Casting Bangladesh as the source of demographic anxiety helps consolidate domestic constituencies.

But what plays well in Guwahati sits uneasily with the strategic calculus in New Delhi. Because, at the national level, India appears to be moving in the opposite direction. There is a growing recognition among policymakers and think tanks that India must “reset” its relationship with Bangladesh.

That reset is, of course, driven by hard interests: connectivity to the northeast, access to transit routes, cooperation on energy and the management of shared rivers. Bangladesh is not a peripheral partner; it is central to India’s eastern strategy.

Recent signals from New Delhi suggest a degree of seriousness about this recalibration. The decision to appoint a politically heavyweight like Dinesh Trivedi as envoy to Dhaka indicates that the relationship is being elevated, not downgraded.

Engagements have focused on trade facilitation, infrastructure connectivity, and maintaining security cooperation along the border. Even amid political transitions in Dhaka, India has shown a willingness to keep channels open.

This creates a dissonance. On one track, New Delhi seeks a pragmatic reset with Dhaka, emphasizing mutual benefit and regional stability. On another, influential leaders in border states continue to amplify narratives that cast Bangladesh as a destabilizing force. The result is mixed signaling — one that risks confusing both policymakers and publics on either side.

The costs of such incoherence are not abstract. Bangladesh and India share one of the most densely populated and sensitive borders in the world. Cooperation is essential to manage everything from river flows to smuggling networks. When rhetoric hardens, operational coordination becomes harder.

Border incidents — whether accidental or deliberate — become more likely. And domestic audiences in both countries grow more receptive to nationalist framing, narrowing the political space for compromise.

There is also a reputational dimension. India has, over the past decade, positioned itself as a responsible regional power — one that values stability and connectivity. Allowing subnational rhetoric to undercut that posture weakens its credibility.

For Bangladesh, meanwhile, the calculus is equally clear: it cannot afford a relationship defined by episodic hostility, but nor can it ignore statements that question the very premise of cooperation.

None of this suggests that disagreements should be papered over. Bangladesh and India have real differences—over trade imbalances, water sharing, and border management. But diplomacy depends on a baseline of respect. Publicly wishing for deteriorating ties crosses that baseline.

Dhaka’s decision to summon the envoy is therefore best read not as escalation but as calibration. It is a reminder that rhetoric matters, that words spoken in one capital reverberate in another, and that managing a complex bilateral relationship requires discipline across all levels of government.

If India is serious about resetting ties, it will need to align its internal messaging with its external objectives. That means reining in narratives that reduce Bangladesh to a security trope and addressing contentious practices such as push-ins with greater transparency and coordination.

For Bangladesh, the challenge will be to respond firmly without allowing such episodes to derail broader engagement. The alternative is a slow drift into mistrust — fuelled not by grand strategy but by the cumulative effect of smaller provocations.

In a relationship as intricate as that between Bangladesh and India, that would be a costly failure of both politics and imagination.

Faisal Mahmud is a Dhaka-based journalist

Instead of indirectly insulting Yemen, Prabowo should be building relations with it

0
instead-of-indirectly-insulting-yemen,-prabowo-should-be-building-relations-with-it
Instead of indirectly insulting Yemen, Prabowo should be building relations with it

At a high-profile industrial groundbreaking event in Central Java, President Prabowo Subianto responded sharply to critics who describe Indonesia as being in decline. Rejecting the phrase “Indonesia is dark,” he declared that such critics have “blurred vision,” insisted the country is “bright,” and then went further: if they are unhappy, they should simply leave—adding, pointedly, that they could “run away to Yemen.” 

It was a moment meant to project confidence. Instead, it exposed a troubling lapse in judgment—one that reaches far beyond Indonesia’s domestic debate and directly into its relationship with the wider world.

Let’s be clear: this was not just an attack on critics. It was an insult to Yemen.

By invoking Yemen as a destination for those who want to “escape,” Prabowo was not engaging in neutral geography. He was making a comparison—implicitly placing Yemen on the losing end of it. The message, stripped of political context, is unmistakable: if Indonesia is “bright,” then Yemen is something else—something lesser, something undesirable.

That is not rhetoric. That is hierarchy.

And it is a dangerous one for a leader to project.

Yemen is not a symbol to be deployed in domestic political theater. It is a country with deep historical, cultural, and religious significance—particularly for Indonesia itself. For centuries, Yemeni scholars, especially from Hadramaut, have helped shape Indonesian Islam, education, and social life.

Entire communities in Indonesia trace their intellectual and familial roots back to Yemen. These ties are not incidental; they are foundational.

To reduce Yemen to a throwaway line is to disregard that shared history with astonishing carelessness.

It is also diplomatically incoherent. Prabowo has built much of his presidency around global engagement. He has traveled extensively, cultivated partnerships, and positioned himself as a leader who understands the importance of international relationships. His own foreign policy principle—“a thousand friends are too few, one enemy too many”—suggests a worldview rooted in respect and strategic cooperation.

READ: Indonesia suspends participation in Board of Peace following attack on Iran

But statements like this contradict that worldview outright.

You cannot claim to build friendships while casually diminishing another nation in public. You cannot present yourself as a bridge to the Muslim world while speaking about one of its countries as if it were a geopolitical punchline. And you cannot expect credibility in the Middle East if your language suggests that some nations are useful only as negative comparisons.

This is not strength. It is indiscipline.

Worse still, the remark reflects a deeper problem in how Prabowo handles dissent. Faced with criticism, he did not argue, persuade, or even acknowledge the concerns being raised. He dismissed them—and told critics to leave. This is not a good way to dissent his critics. It is a refusal to engage in the very democratic process that gives such criticism meaning.

Strong leadership does not exile disagreement. It confronts it.

By telling critics to “go elsewhere,” Prabowo is not defending Indonesia’s progress—he is avoiding scrutiny. And in doing so, he drags Yemen into a domestic political exchange where it does not belong, using it as collateral damage in a rhetorical fight.

That has consequences.

For audiences in the Middle East, the signal is hard to ignore. If Yemen can be casually invoked as a place of escape—implicitly inferior, implicitly undesirable—then respect is conditional. And conditional respect is no respect at all.

This is particularly striking given that Indonesia has just taken steps to strengthen its diplomatic presence in Yemen, including appointing a new ambassador in 2026. That move suggests recognition of Yemen’s importance. But diplomacy is not built on appointments alone—it is built on tone, consistency, and the ability to treat partners with dignity in both formal and informal settings.

READ: Yemen’s Houthis say to intervene militarily if needed amid Iran-US war

On that front, the president has fallen short.

Yet this moment also presents a clear path forward—if he chooses to take it.

Instead of using Yemen as a rhetorical device, Prabowo should be investing in the relationship. Indonesia is uniquely positioned to engage Yemen through humanitarian assistance, educational exchange, and religious diplomacy grounded in shared traditions.

At a time when Global South cooperation is increasingly vital, strengthening ties with Yemen is not just morally sound—it is strategically smart.

But that requires a shift in mindset.

It requires recognizing that countries facing hardship are not symbols to be exploited, but partners to be respected. It requires understanding that words spoken casually at home can resonate deeply abroad. And it requires a willingness to treat criticism not as a nuisance to be dismissed, but as a challenge to be addressed.

Because in today’s world, leadership is not just about power. It is about perception.

Right now, the perception created by this remark is simple and damaging: that Yemen can be reduced to a punchline, and that dissent can be brushed aside rather than engaged. Neither reflects the values Indonesia claims to uphold.

Prabowo still has time to correct course. But that correction must begin with a basic principle—one that should guide any leader with global ambitions:

Respect is not optional.

OPINION: Indonesia and the Gulf must do more than soft power in a time of war

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.

0FansLike
0FollowersFollow
0FollowersFollow
0SubscribersSubscribe
- Advertisement -
Google search engine

Recent Posts