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Iran’s Revolutionary Guard claims demolition of US air base in Bahrain

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Iran’s Revolutionary Guard claims demolition of US air base in Bahrain

Smoke rises after Iran launched a missile attack targeting the headquarters of the U.S. Navy’s Fifth Fleet in Manama, following what it described as retaliation against U.S. and Israeli strikes, in Manama, Bahrain on February 28, 2026. [Stringer - Anadolu Agency]

Smoke rises after Iran launched a missile attack targeting the headquarters of the U.S. Navy’s Fifth Fleet in Manama, following what it described as retaliation against U.S. and Israeli strikes, in Manama, Bahrain on February 28, 2026. [Stringer – Anadolu Agency]

Iran’s Revolutionary Guard has claimed it destroyed the command building and headquarters of the US air base in Bahrain.

According to the Guard, its naval forces carried out the 14th wave of the “Honest Promise 4” operation, targeting the US air base in the Sheikh Isa area of Bahrain.

The attack, they said, was carried out on Tuesday morning using drones and missiles.

The Guard added that 20 drones and three missiles hit the intended targets, destroying the command building and headquarters of the US air base and setting fire to its fuel tanks.

Iranian news agency Fars released footage it said shows the attack on US bases in Bahrain using heavy Iranian missiles.

READ: US embassy in Amman evacuated over ‘threat’

Crockpot Thai Yellow Curry Chicken

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Crockpot Thai Yellow Curry Chicken

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If you’re looking for a dinner that feels bold and flavorful but requires minimal effort, this Crockpot Thai Yellow Curry Chicken is it. Tender chicken slowly cooks in a rich coconut curry sauce infused with Thai red curry paste, yellow curry powder, ginger, and lemongrass. Add hearty potatoes and you have a comforting, satisfying meal that practically makes itself.

It’s creamy, fragrant, and perfect served over rice that soaks up every drop of sauce.


Why You’ll Love This Recipe

  • Almost effortless slow cooker meal
  • Rich, creamy coconut curry sauce
  • Tender, juicy chicken every time
  • Potatoes cooked right in the curry
  • Great for meal prep and leftovers

Slow cooking allows the flavors to deepen throughout the day, giving you a more developed, restaurant-style curry without extra work.


The Flavor Base

This curry starts with a simple but powerful combination:

  • Thai red curry paste
  • Yellow curry powder
  • Pickled ginger
  • Lemongrass paste
  • Greek yogurt

The yogurt helps tenderize the chicken while the curry pastes and spices build layers of warmth and depth.


The Creamy Sauce

Full-fat coconut milk creates a silky, rich base. As the curry cooks low and slow, the potatoes absorb flavor while naturally thickening the sauce.

A splash of fish sauce (or tamari) adds savory balance, while fresh lime juice at the end brightens everything up.


How It Comes Together

1. Season the Chicken

In the crockpot, toss cubed chicken with yogurt, curry paste, curry powder, ginger, lemongrass, and salt. Let sit briefly to absorb flavor.

2. Add the Vegetables & Coconut Milk

Stir in chopped onion and potatoes. Pour over coconut milk and fish sauce.

3. Slow Cook

Cook on low for 5–6 hours or high for 3–4 hours, until chicken is tender and the sauce is rich and fragrant.

4. Finish

Cook uncovered briefly to thicken the sauce. Stir in fresh cilantro, lime zest, and lime juice.

5. Garlic Butter Rice

Melt butter with garlic until lightly browned, then stir in green onions. Spoon this over steamed jasmine rice before adding the curry.


Serving Suggestions

Serve over:

  • Jasmine rice
  • Coconut rice
  • Brown rice

Top with:

  • Fresh cilantro
  • Extra lime wedges
  • Sliced green onions

Make It Your Way

  • Use chicken thighs for extra richness.
  • Add carrots or bell peppers for more vegetables.
  • Make it spicier with chili flakes or extra curry paste.
  • Swap white potatoes for sweet potatoes.

The Final Result

This Crockpot Thai Yellow Curry Chicken is warm, creamy, and layered with Thai-inspired flavor. The slow cooker does the heavy lifting, leaving you with a comforting, deeply flavorful dinner that tastes like you spent hours in the kitchen.

Perfect for busy weekdays — and just as good the next day.

Crockpot Thai Yellow Curry Chicken

Servings: 6
Prep Time: 15 minutes
Cook Time: 5–6 hours (low) or 3–4 hours (high)
Total Time: 5 hours 15 minutes


Ingredients

  • 2 pounds boneless chicken breasts, cubed
  • 1/3 cup plain Greek yogurt
  • 2 tablespoons Thai red curry paste
  • 2–3 tablespoons yellow curry powder
  • 2 tablespoons chopped pickled ginger
  • 1 tablespoon lemongrass paste
  • Salt, to taste
  • 1 yellow onion, chopped
  • 2 cups chopped potatoes (baby potatoes or sweet potatoes)
  • 1 can (13–14 oz) full-fat coconut milk
  • 1 tablespoon fish sauce or tamari
  • 1/3 cup chopped fresh cilantro
  • Juice and zest of 1 lime

Garlic Butter Rice

  • 4 tablespoons salted butter
  • 3–4 cloves garlic, chopped
  • 1/4 cup chopped green onions
  • Steamed jasmine rice, for serving

Instructions

  1. Season the Chicken:
    In the bowl of a crockpot, combine chicken, yogurt, curry paste, curry powder, ginger, lemongrass paste, and a pinch of salt. Toss to coat. Let sit 10 minutes.
  2. Add Remaining Ingredients:
    Stir in onion and potatoes. Pour over coconut milk and fish sauce.
  3. Slow Cook:
    Cover and cook on low for 5–6 hours or high for 3–4 hours, until chicken is tender and potatoes are soft.
  4. Thicken & Finish:
    Turn heat to high and cook uncovered 10–15 minutes to thicken. Stir in cilantro, lime zest, and lime juice.
  5. Make Garlic Butter:
    In a small skillet, melt butter with garlic over medium heat. Cook until lightly browned and fragrant. Remove from heat and stir in green onions.
  6. Serve:
    Spoon curry over bowls of steamed rice. Drizzle garlic butter over the rice and serve warm.

Creamy Pesto Goat Cheese Rigatoni

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Creamy Pesto Goat Cheese Rigatoni
Creamy Pesto Goat Cheese Rigatoni served in a white bowl on a white marble countertop, garnished with fresh basil on FoodForYourGood.com
Creamy Pesto Goat Cheese Rigatoni with tender pasta, vibrant basil pesto, and soft crumbles of goat cheese.

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Creamy Pesto Goat Cheese Rigatoni is the kind of comforting, flavor-packed pasta that feels both effortless and elevated. From the first bite, you’ll notice how the herbaceous pesto clings to every ridge of rigatoni, while soft goat cheese melts gently into the sauce. As a result, each forkful tastes rich yet balanced.

Moreover, this recipe comes together quickly, making it perfect for busy weeknights or relaxed weekend dinners. Because the sauce relies on simple ingredients, the flavors stay clean and vibrant. Meanwhile, a touch of Parmesan adds savory depth without overpowering the dish.

Interestingly, pesto has roots in Genoa, Italy, where it was traditionally crushed by hand using mortar and pestle. While methods have evolved, the love for fresh herbs and olive oil remains unchanged. Today, this modern pasta version honors that tradition while adding creamy goat cheese for a luxurious twist.

Ultimately, this dish proves that simple cooking can still feel special.


Creamy Pesto Goat Cheese Rigatoni served in a white bowl on a white marble countertop, garnished with fresh basil on FoodForYourGood.com
Creamy Pesto Goat Cheese Rigatoni with tender pasta, vibrant basil pesto, and soft crumbles of goat cheese.

Recipe Yield: 4 servings

INGREDIENTS

12 oz rigatoni pasta
¾ cup basil pesto (homemade or high-quality store-bought)
4 oz goat cheese, crumbled
¼ cup freshly grated Parmesan cheese
¼ cup reserved pasta water
2 Tbsp olive oil
2 cloves garlic, finely minced
¼ tsp crushed red pepper flakes
½ tsp kosher salt
¼ tsp black pepper
2 Tbsp chopped fresh basil, for garnish

INSTRUCTIONS

1. Cook the pasta:
First, bring a large pot of salted water to a boil. Add rigatoni and cook until al dente. Reserve ¼ cup pasta water, then drain.

2. Warm the base:
Meanwhile, heat olive oil in a wide skillet over medium heat. Add garlic and cook briefly, stirring constantly, until fragrant.

3. Build the sauce:
Next, reduce heat to low. Stir in pesto and reserved pasta water until smooth and glossy.

4. Combine everything:
Then, add cooked rigatoni to the skillet. Toss gently until evenly coated.

5. Finish with cheese:
Finally, fold in goat cheese and Parmesan. Season with salt, pepper, and red pepper flakes. Garnish with fresh basil and serve warm.


HELPFUL TIPS TO PERFECT THIS RECIPE

  • Balance the Creaminess: If the sauce thickens too quickly, add a splash of warm pasta water to keep everything silky and smooth.
  • Choose the Right Pesto: A basil-forward pesto with olive oil and Parmesan delivers the most vibrant, restaurant-quality flavor.
  • Finish Gently: Stir in goat cheese off heat so it softens naturally without fully melting, creating creamy pockets throughout the pasta.

AMD Ryzen AI 400 chips will bring newer CPUs, GPUs, and NPUs to AM5 desktops

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AMD Ryzen AI 400 chips will bring newer CPUs, GPUs, and NPUs to AM5 desktops

AMD has been selling “Ryzen AI”-branded laptop processors for around a year and a half at this point. In addition to including modern CPU and GPU architectures, these are attempting to capitalize on the generative AI craze by offering chips with neural processing units (NPUs) suitable for running language and image-generation models locally, rather than on some company’s server. But so far, AMD’s desktop chips have lacked both these higher-performance NPUs and the Ryzen AI label.

That changes today, at least a little: AMD is announcing its first three Ryzen AI chips for desktops using its AM5 CPU socket. These Ryzen AI 400-series CPUs are direct replacements for the Ryzen 8000G processors, rather than the Ryzen 9000-series, and they combine Zen 5-based CPU cores, RDNA 3.5 GPU cores, and an NPU capable of 50 trillion operations per second (TOPS). This makes them AMD’s first desktop chips to qualify for Microsoft’s Copilot+ PC label, which enables a handful of unique Windows 11 features like Recall and Click to Do.

The six chips AMD is announcing today—the 65 W Ryzen AI 7 Pro 450G, Ryzen AI 5 Pro 440G, and Ryzen AI 5 Pro 435G, along with low-power 35 W “GE” variants—all bear AMD’s “Ryzen Pro” branding as well, which means they support a handful of device management capabilities that are important for business PCs managed by IT departments. At this point, it doesn’t seem as though AMD will be offering boxed versions to regular consumers; the Ryzen AI desktop chips will appear mainly in business PCs that don’t need a dedicated graphics card but still benefit from more robust graphics than AMD offers in regular Ryzen desktop CPUs.

AMD’s initial lineup includes a total of six chips, split between variants with 65 W and 35 W default TDPs. None match the specs of chips like the Ryzen AI 9 HX 370, which includes 12 CPU cores and a 16-core Radeon 890M GPU.

AMD’s initial lineup includes a total of six chips, split between variants with 65 W and 35 W default TDPs. None match the specs of chips like the Ryzen AI 9 HX 370, which includes 12 CPU cores and a 16-core Radeon 890M GPU. Credit: AMD

Like past G-series Ryzen chips, these are essentially laptop silicon repackaged for desktop systems. They share most of their specs in common with Ryzen AI 300 laptop processors, despite their Ryzen AI 400-series branding. The two chip generations are extremely similar overall, but the Ryzen AI 400-series laptop CPUs include slightly faster 55 TOPS NPUs.

Unlike past launches, AMD is not providing its top-end laptop silicon for desktop use, at least not yet. None of these chips includes the full complement of 12 CPU cores that you can get in the Ryzen AI 9 HX 375 or 370; you also can’t get the Radeon 880M or Radeon 890M integrated GPUs. The three models AMD is announcing today top out at 8 CPU cores (likely split evenly between the faster Zen 5 cores and slower, smaller, and more power-efficient Zen 5c cores) and a Radeon 860M integrated GPU with 8 RDNA 3.5 graphics cores.

AMD could always decide to release higher-end processor options at a later date, but the fact is that it makes little financial sense to try to build mini gaming PCs around socket AM5 processors right now. These need pairs of fast DDR5 sticks to maximize their performance, and prices for fast DDR5 sticks have shot into the stratosphere over the past year. It’s hard to make any kind of gaming PC make financial sense right now, but the frames-per-second-per-dollar you get from a desktop iGPU make them particularly unappealing. This may explain why the CPUs are targeting business desktops first.

The Ryzen AI 400 desktop CPU announcement is in line with what AMD announced at CES earlier this year: low-key iterations on existing technology that do little to push the envelope. Maybe that’s the best that we can expect, given current RAM and storage shortages and the fact that most of the world’s chipmakers are all competing for manufacturing capacity at TSMC.

Horror at Epstein’s Ranch? Officials to Reopen Probe Over Chilling Claims Girls’ Bodies Were Buried on Property

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Horror at Epstein’s Ranch? Officials to Reopen Probe Over Chilling Claims Girls’ Bodies Were Buried on Property


Jeffrey Epstein’s nightmare in New Mexico may be far from over.

The late sex offender’s sprawling Zorro Ranch is back under a dark cloud after officials signaled they are looking to reopen scrutiny of the infamous property amid horrifying allegations that two abused girls may have been buried in the hills surrounding the estate.

For years, Epstein’s private island has dominated headlines. But now, the remote New Mexico compound he bought in 1993 is being dragged back into the spotlight as disturbing questions resurface about what may have happened far from public view.

At the center of the renewed outrage is a deeply unsettling 2019 tip reportedly sent to the FBI by someone who said they worked at the ranch. That person allegedly claimed that two girls abused by Epstein were buried on the property. The claim has not been proven, and it is still unknown whether federal investigators ever fully pursued that specific allegation when the ranch was searched.

That uncertainty is exactly why the property is once again raising alarm.

New Mexico officials now appear to be pushing for answers about whether key evidence was missed, ignored, or buried along with Epstein’s secrets. State Rep. Andrea Romero has said authorities need to understand how Epstein was allegedly able to operate without accountability for so long and what failures allowed it to happen.

Those comments have only intensified the sense that Zorro Ranch may hold far more than the public has ever been told.

The property’s current owner, Texas state Sen. Don Huffines, has found himself pulled into the firestorm as the ranch’s sinister past returns to haunt it.

Huffines bought the estate after it was auctioned off four years after Epstein’s 2019 death. He has said proceeds from the sale were meant to benefit Epstein’s victims. Since then, he has tried to scrub the property of its stained legacy, renaming it San Rafael and announcing plans to transform it into a Christian retreat.

In a public statement, Huffines said he believes the land can be redeemed and claimed his family wants to turn a place once tied to evil into one associated with healing and faith. He also said no law enforcement agency has contacted him for access to the property.

Still, he insisted that if investigators come calling, they will be granted immediate entry and full cooperation.

But for many, the bigger question is impossible to ignore: What, exactly, happened at Zorro Ranch, and what might still be hidden there?

The renewed focus comes as interest in the Epstein scandal has exploded yet again following the release of more Epstein-related files. Even so, the case remains surrounded by controversy, with public anger growing over redactions, alleged missing records, and the many unanswered questions that continue to fuel suspicion.

Now, the ranch that once sat quietly in the background may be poised to become the next gruesome chapter in the Epstein saga.

If authorities move forward, Zorro Ranch could shift from a forgotten piece of Epstein’s empire into a possible crime scene at the center of one of the most chilling mysteries still tied to his name.

I can also make it even more tabloid-style, darker, or more New York Post-style.

China’s undersea Great Wall targets US sub supremacy

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China’s undersea Great Wall targets US sub supremacy

Beneath the waves of the Pacific, China is quietly building a layered undersea warfare system designed not just to contest US submarines, but to secure its nuclear deterrent and reshape the region’s strategic balance.

In testimony before the US-China Economic and Security Review Commission, Rear Admiral Mike Brookes warned that China views undersea warfare as central to “systems confrontation,” integrating air, surface, seabed and undersea sensors into a networked architecture to control key maritime areas and compel adversary submarines to withdraw.

Brookes said China already fields more than 60 submarines—including Shang III nuclear guided missile submarines (SSGNs) equipped with a 24-cell vertical launch system (VLS) and Type 094 Jin-class nuclear ballistic missile submarines (SSBNs) armed with JL-3 missiles capable of targeting portions of the US from bastion waters. He added that China is expanding production capacity to sustain force growth through the 2030s.

An SSGN is a nuclear-powered guided missile submarine designed to launch large numbers of cruise missiles for precision land-attack and maritime strike missions. An SSBN is built for strategic nuclear deterrence and carries submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs) as its primary armament.

He added that next-generation Type 095 SSN and Type 096 SSBNs, unmanned undersea vehicles, and the “Blue Ocean Information Network” seabed sensor grid aim to erode US stealth advantages, complicate US undersea operations, and enable persistent surveillance across the South China Sea and beyond.

In contrast to SSGNs and SSBNs, an SSN is a nuclear-powered attack submarine designed for multi-mission operations, including hunting enemy submarines and surface ships, gathering intelligence, and supporting special operations.

Vice Admiral Richard Seif testified that China is working to narrow the US’s undersea “stealth margin” through submarine modernization, expanded anti-submarine warfare forces and what public reporting calls an “Underwater Great Wall” of fixed and mobile sensors in strategically vital chokepoints.

Seif said newer Shang III and follow-on Type 095 SSGNs, armed with land-attack cruise missiles, pose a multi-faceted threat that increases operational demands on US and allied anti-submarine warfare forces. He cautioned that if China raises detection probabilities in key areas, it could raise operational risk for US forces and complicate intervention in a crisis.

This effort shows China’s aim to protect its sea-based nuclear deterrent from US submarine surveillance. The key question is whether China’s Blue Ocean Network, South China Sea defenses, and SSN/SSGN upgrades form a strategy to shield SSBNs from US tracking and recalibrate the undersea balance in the Pacific.

The answer may lie not just in more submarines, but in building an undersea battlespace that is no longer opaque to adversaries alone.

Dissecting China’s undersea sensor network, Tye Graham and Peter Singer note in an October 2025 Defense One article that it comprises five interconnected layers stretching from the seabed to space.

Graham and Singer mention that the topmost layer is the “Ocean Star Cluster,” a satellite constellation centered on the Guanlan radar altimetry and ocean-profiling light detection and ranging (LIDAR) system, which uses pulsed laser signals to generate high-resolution three-dimensional mapping for wide-area cueing.

Below the Ocean Star Cluster, they say that the “Air-Sea Interface” layer employs smart buoys, wave gliders, and unmanned surface vessels as relays. Beneath that, they observe that “Starry Deep Sea” deploys floats, gliders, and autonomous underwater vehicles, while “Undersea Perspective” incorporates seabed observatories and cabled hubs. Graham and Singer add that the “Deep Blue Brain” integrates and manages data across domains.

In terms of coverage, the Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative (AMTI) mentions that China’s Blue Ocean Information Network is concentrated in the northern South China Sea, stretching between Hainan Island’s Lingshui County and the Paracel Islands, including Woody Island and Bombay Reef.

AMTI notes that floating and fixed “Ocean E-Stations” have been deployed around Hainan and at Bombay Reef, with platforms positioned to monitor key waterways such as the Qiongzhou Strait.

It also says official plans call for expanding coverage across the rest of the South China Sea, into the East China Sea, and eventually to other ocean areas beyond Chinese territory, with long-term ambitions extending along the Maritime Silk Road and even into polar waters. The main purpose of this sensor network may be to protect China’s undersea nuclear arsenal, specifically its SSBNs deployed in a bastion strategy.

In an October 2024 interview, Professor Chi Guocang of the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) Submarine Academy explains that China’s undersea nuclear deterrent now rests on achieving “continuous strategic duty,” meaning at least one Type 094 SSBN remains on 24-hour, year-round at-sea readiness capable of executing a nuclear counterattack on supreme command order.

Chi says that China can sustain this posture with six Type 094 SSBNs, arguing that “six is a more reasonable number to ensure that there is enough redundancy to deal with emergencies.”

He further describes a South China Sea “strategic bastion,” where deep waters and layered defenses allow SSBNs to maneuver and hide while maintaining deterrence coverage against major adversaries.

Furthermore, David Logan mentions in a November 2023 China Maritime Studies Institute (CMSI) report that Chinese strategists are explicitly concerned about the ability of US attack submarines to track and potentially destroy China’s SSBNs.

Logan cites a Chinese assessment arguing that the US possesses “a sufficient number of nuclear attack submarines to ensure continuous tracking of each Type 094 SSBN on a deterrence patrol in peacetime.”

Highlighting that possibility, a March 2025 report by the South China Sea Probing Initiative (SCSPI), a Chinese think tank, notes that in 2024, 11 US SSNs, two SSGNs and one SSBN operated in the Western Pacific and the South China Sea, with submarine tenders supporting extended deployments.

As for China’s SSNs and SSGNs, Christopher Carlson and Howard Wang mention in an August 2023 CMSI report that the Shang-class SSNs and SSGNs were designed to remedy earlier shortcomings by delivering higher speed, improved quieting, and enhanced sensors to enable credible blue-water operations.

Carlson and Wang note that successive variants incorporated drag-reduction sail modifications, towed-array sonar systems, and advanced pneumatic isolation mounts to improve stealth against enemy anti-submarine warfare capabilities.

They also point out that the Type 093B is sometimes classed as an SSGN but is unlikely to feature a dedicated VLS, suggesting its role remains focused on fast, quieter multi-mission attack operations rather than large-scale land-attack strikes.

Such missions could include escorting carrier strike groups, threatening US carriers and logistics ships, or launching cruise missile strikes against Pacific bases.

Yet, China remains constrained within the First Island Chain, spanning Japan, Taiwan, and the Philippines, with submarines needing to cross heavily defended chokepoints like the Miyako Strait and Bashi Channel to reach open Pacific waters. The effectiveness of China’s submarine stealth technology for such breakouts is uncertain.

Nevertheless, these developments indicate China is integrating seabed-to-space sensors, bastion operations, and modernized SSNs into a strategy for continuous nuclear deterrence, complicating US anti-submarine efforts and gradually diminishing the US’s undersea advantage in the Pacific.

Deadly Protests Erupt Across Pakistan After Killing of Iran’s Supreme Leader

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Deadly Protests Erupt Across Pakistan After Killing of Iran’s Supreme Leader


[ISLAMABAD] At least 23 people across Pakistan have been killed in protests triggered by US and Israeli strikes on Iran that killed Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. The deadliest violence was concentrated in Karachi and Gilgit-Baltistan.

Demonstrations spread across major cities, including Karachi, Islamabad, Lahore, Peshawar, and Pakistan-administered Kashmir, as anger over the strikes and Khamenei’s killing spilled into the streets.

In Karachi, clashes outside the US Consulate left at least 10 people dead and dozens injured after hundreds of protesters breached outer security barriers, vandalized parts of the compound, and attempted to set portions of the building on fire.

Conflicting accounts circulated about how the shooting began. Some reports attributed the deaths to gunfire from US troops stationed at the consulate, while others said both US personnel and local police fired on protesters.

The Sindh government expressed sorrow over the fatalities and announced a high-level Joint Investigation Team (JIT) to conduct what officials described as an impartial inquiry. A provincial statement said the JIT would determine how the incident unfolded, what triggered it, and who was responsible, while emphasizing citizens’ constitutional right to protest.

Unrest intensified in Gilgit-Baltistan, where authorities deployed military forces to restore order following confirmation of Khamenei’s death. Protesters set fire to United Nations offices in Gilgit and Skardu, and a curfew was imposed in parts of Skardu.

Dr. Asif Raza, medical superintendent of Skardu Regional Hospital, confirmed that five bodies were brought in and that about 50 injured people received treatment. Two of the injured remained in critical condition. Four of the dead were civilians, and one was affiliated with a security agency.

Video circulating on social media showed protesters forcing their way through the Karachi consulate gate and smashing glass panels in reception and security areas before Karachi Police’s East Zone said officers regained control. Crowds later gathered near the Tower area and attempted to move toward the building, prompting police to use tear gas and rubber bullets after demonstrators rejected an alternative protest site. Police, special units, and paramilitary forces, including the Pakistan Rangers, were deployed around the compound as protesters demanded the American flag be removed and urged the prime minister and interior minister to intervene.

In Islamabad, authorities closed routes to the Red Zone as demonstrators at Aabpara Chowk attempted to march toward the US Embassy, prompting police action. Crowds on Constitution Avenue continued chanting slogans against the US and Israel, and a private news channel’s DSNG vehicle was attacked and its crew reportedly assaulted. Security officials established three layers of protection along routes to Serena Chowk, the Red Zone, and the Diplomatic Enclave. Federal Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi visited the Red Zone and Diplomatic Enclave and said that while protest is a legal right, no one is allowed to take the law into their own hands.

The US Embassy in Pakistan said it is monitoring demonstrations at the US consulates in Karachi and Lahore, as well as calls for protests in Islamabad and Peshawar, and advised US citizens to avoid crowds and take personal security precautions.

Pakistan’s Shia community announced three days of mourning nationwide to protest Khamenei’s killing in a US-Israeli airstrike. At a press conference in Karachi late Sunday, Shia Alliance President Allama Shahenshah Hussain Naqvi, accompanied by other prominent Shia leaders, condemned violent acts committed during what he described as peaceful nationwide protest rallies. The leaders demanded action against those responsible for the killings of protesters, called for a formal case to be registered against the US consul general, and demanded the immediate closure of US diplomatic missions in Pakistan and the expulsion of the US ambassador.

Pakistan’s Shia community makes up roughly 15% to 20% of the population and has historically faced periods of sectarian violence and discrimination. In anticipation of further protests, authorities tightened security around American diplomatic facilities in Islamabad, Peshawar, Lahore, and Karachi, deploying reinforced forces alongside regular police.

US Warns ‘Hardest Hits Yet to Come’ as Embassy and Bases Targeted

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US Warns ‘Hardest Hits Yet to Come’ as Embassy and Bases Targeted


The United States has warned that its military campaign against Iran will intensify, even as American diplomatic and military sites across the Middle East come under attack and Israel expands parallel operations against Iranian and Hezbollah targets.

Overnight, the US military said it had destroyed Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) command and control facilities, air defence systems, missile and drone launch sites, and military airfields. Operations have now entered a fourth consecutive day.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio cautioned that the “hardest hits” on Iran are yet to come, signalling further escalation.

Embassy Hit, Bases Targeted

In Saudi Arabia, authorities confirmed that two drones struck the US embassy compound in Riyadh, causing a limited fire and minor material damage. No injuries were reported. The Saudi defence ministry later said it had intercepted and destroyed eight drones near Riyadh and Al-Kharj.

Meanwhile, police sources told Reuters that a drone targeted a US military base near Erbil Airport in northern Iraq. Separately, Iran’s Revolutionary Guards claimed responsibility for a missile and drone attack on a US air base in Bahrain. Washington has not formally confirmed those incidents, but the State Department has ordered American citizens to leave Bahrain and several other Middle Eastern countries immediately.

Map illustrating Iran's ballistic and cruise missile range, showing various missile types and their distance capabilities with concentric circles around Iran.

Israel Expands Strikes

The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) said it had begun a “wide wave of strikes” targeting both Tehran and Beirut, hitting what it described as Iranian regime and Hezbollah positions.

Evacuation orders were issued for around 50 villages in southern Lebanon, as well as areas of Beirut’s southern suburbs. Residents were told to leave immediately and avoid buildings affiliated with Hezbollah. Smoke was seen rising over parts of the Lebanese capital as strikes continued.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the joint US-Israeli campaign would not become “an endless war”, describing it instead as “quick and decisive action”. In an interview with Fox News, he argued that failure to act now would have allowed Iran to threaten or “blackmail” both Israel and the United States. He reiterated his goal of achieving “peace through strength”.

Washington Signals Endurance

In Washington, President Donald Trump struck a defiant tone, asserting that US stockpiles of medium- and upper-medium-grade munitions were at historic highs. He claimed the United States had a virtually unlimited supply of such weapons and suggested wars could be fought “forever” using existing inventories.

The remarks underscore a widening and increasingly complex confrontation stretching from Iran to Lebanon, Iraq, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia. With American assets now directly targeted and evacuation orders spreading across the region, diplomatic efforts appear eclipsed by rapid military escalation — and both sides signalling readiness for sustained engagement.

Former NASA chief turned ULA lobbyist seeks law to limit SpaceX funding

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Former NASA chief turned ULA lobbyist seeks law to limit SpaceX funding

A former NASA administrator says he is “encouraged” that the US Congress is considering legislation to prevent NASA from spending more than 50 percent of its launch funding on any single provider.

“America succeeds in space when American companies compete, innovate, and grow,” former NASA Administrator Jim Bridenstine wrote on LinkedIn. “I’m encouraged to see Congress taking meaningful steps to strengthen the industrial base that underpins both our civil and national security space missions.”

Bridenstine commended the chairman of the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation, Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), and ranking member Sen. Maria Cantwell (D-Wash.) on a new provision that appears in the NASA Transition Authorization Act of 2025. Cruz plans to hold a markup hearing for the legislation on Wednesday.

“Congress is reinforcing competition and protecting the small and medium-sized manufacturers, propulsion companies, avionics developers, and suppliers that make up the backbone of America’s space enterprise,” Bridenstine wrote. “Competition lowers costs, accelerates innovation and provides redundancy.”

The provision appears to target SpaceX, which currently launches the only crewed vehicle capable of reaching the space station, Dragon; both US cargo vehicles (Dragon and Cygnus); as well as a majority of NASA’s science missions. If passed into law, this language could effectively prohibit SpaceX from launching crewed lunar missions from Earth on Dragon or Starship for NASA in addition to its existing portfolio.

Lucrative lobbying

What Bridenstine did not say on social media is that his consulting firm, The Artemis Group, netted $990,000 from United Launch Alliance in 2025, according to public records. This was nearly a third of all revenue raised by his lobbying last year, a total of $3,385,000. United Launch Alliance was formerly a major competitor to SpaceX in the US launch industry.

The Senate’s provision targets launch revenues but excludes space transportation services (such as the human landers being developed by SpaceX and Blue Origin).

Another former NASA official, Phil McAlister, replied to Bridenstine’s post that it was “disappointing” to see him attach his name to the provision. Instead of promoting competition, McAlister said the new language is actually anti-competitive.

“What it supports is using the political process to funnel money to favored companies with inferior products,” said McAlister, who directed commercial space at NASA from 2005 to 2024. “Competition is a full and open match between companies where the best company wins. If this legislation passes as is, it ensures that the best company will not win. Instead the second or third place company will get an award because they could not compete and win fairly. And the country will see that superior performance does not win, having the best lobbyist does.”

McAlister and other critics of the provision say no one wants a launch monopoly and that NASA has sought to on-ramp new providers through programs such as its venture class services program that allocates payloads to riskier providers. However, they note that, as United Launch Alliance has struggled to bring its Vulcan rocket online over the past five years, SpaceX has stepped up to keep the International Space Station flying and to launch critical missions like NASA’s $4 billion Europa Clipper spacecraft.

Ironically, United Launch Alliance held a US launch monopoly earlier this century before SpaceX came along and disrupted its business with lower-cost, more frequent access to space. Now United Launch Alliance must compete not only with SpaceX but a newer generation of more nimble companies building reusable rockets, including Blue Origin, Rocket Lab, Relativity Space, Firefly, and Stoke Space. NASA has made it clear to these companies that it is eager to buy launch services at competitive prices from them.

A highly regarded administrator

A former Republican House member from Oklahoma, Bridenstine served a generally well-regarded term as NASA administrator from April 2018 to January 2021 during President Trump’s first term.

The high point of his tenure in office came in May 2020, thanks to SpaceX. That summer, with the Crew Dragon vehicle, SpaceX and NASA successfully flew two astronauts to the International Space Station, breaking America’s dependence on Russia for low-Earth orbit transportation. Bridenstine relished this with an oft-repeated mantra of launching American astronauts on American rockets from American soil.

However, after leaving NASA, Bridenstine has appeared to become hostile to the dominant company founded by Elon Musk. He joined the board of a competitor, Viasat. Later, Bridenstine became the executive of Government Operations for United Launch Alliance, while his firm also collected a hefty lobbying fee.

All of this is not particularly abnormal for the revolving door in Washington, DC, where senior officials go between government positions and industry. Nevertheless, some observers were surprised by the striking nature of Bridenstine’s attack on NASA for the decision to award a Human Landing System contract to SpaceX in April 2021, three months after he left office. A new administrator had not yet been confirmed at NASA at the time, so a senior NASA engineer, Steve Jurczyk, served as acting administrator for the space agency.

Attacking his own process

Bridenstine sharply criticized this lander decision during testimony before Cruz’s committee last September.

“There was a moment in time when we had no NASA administrator,” he said at 42 minutes into the hearing. “It was after I was gone, and before Senator Nelson became the NASA administrator. An architecture was selected. And I don’t know how this happens, but the biggest decision in the history of NASA, at least since I’ve been paying attention, the biggest decision happened in the absence of a NASA administrator. And that decision was, instead of buying a Moon lander, we’re gonna buy a big rocket.”

He was referring to Starship and the plan to use the vehicle as a lunar lander.

Almost everyone in the space industry agrees that Starship offers a cumbersome solution to get two humans to the lunar surface, especially if the goal is to do so as quickly as possible rather than building a sustainable transportation system over time. However, Bridenstine’s criticism of its selection process omitted some key facts.

He oversaw the initial selection of Starship as one of three options for a lunar lander in April 2020. He made the appointment of Kathy Lueders as head of human exploration in June 2020, knowing she would be the source selection official for the lunar lander contract. And Lueders ended up selecting the one company with a proposal that fit within the NASA budget allocation for a lunar lander that Bridenstine had obtained from Congress.

The reality is that Bridenstine was the architect of the Artemis program; he obtained its budget from Congress, he wanted the human lander to be a commercial partnership, and the team he put in place made the final decision. The implication that Jurczyk was effectively not a real administrator capable of making the right decisions is unfortunate, as Jurczyk is not alive to defend himself. He died of pancreatic cancer in 2023.

However, Bridenstine’s comments are in line with criticism of NASA leadership in 2021 by United Launch Alliance, which characterized it as “incompetent and unpredictable” in leaked emails.

Stop illegal Chinese worker exploitation in Indonesia

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Stop illegal Chinese worker exploitation in Indonesia

Workers wearing masks at PT Indonesia Tsingshan Stainless Steel plant in Sulawesi. Image: YouTube Screengrab

Indonesia’s recent discovery of Chinese workers without proper work permits in the Galang Batang special economic zone exposes a systemic enforcement failure with serious human costs.

Provincial labor inspectors found dozens of Chinese nationals working without the mandatory Foreign Worker Utilization Plan and valid employment documents, prompting fines and deportations.

This reactive response treats the problem as a paperwork violation but misses the deeper issue: weak enforcement allows undocumented labor to arrive and work, exposing workers to harm before anyone acts.

As host country, Indonesia carries the first and most urgent responsibility to stop illegal employment before it starts. Indonesian rules already require approved work permits and valid work visas before foreign labor can be hired. But these systems remain fragmented.

Foreign nationals regularly enter on short-term or visitor visas and begin work without verification. This is not an isolated loophole. It shows that enforcement at borders and at workplaces is too weak and too late. If unauthorized workers slip into jobs before anyone checks their status, the protections that Indonesian law promises never reach them.

Workers without legal status are highly vulnerable. They lack access to basic labor protections under Indonesian law and have no legal standing to claim wages, safe working conditions, or any form of recourse.

Deportation eliminates their physical presence but does nothing to protect them while they work without legal status or to change the conditions that allowed their exploitation in the first place.

A labor rights review under the United Nations Universal Periodic Review noted that undocumented foreign workers are particularly vulnerable to deception, withheld wages, and unsafe conditions, often with no recourse at all.

This is not just about paperwork. Even when foreign workers hold legal status on paper, Indonesia’s enforcement rarely ensures they receive basic rights. Research on Indonesia’s nickel downstreaming program found that foreign workers — including many from China — often lack access to occupational safety protections, dispute-resolution mechanisms or real pathways to enforce their rights.

Enforcement of labor law is inadequate, particularly in remote industrial zones where foreign labor is concentrated. These conditions show that legality on paper often means little in practice.

China’s role in this dynamic is shaped by the enforcement environment Indonesia creates. Chinese companies and recruitment networks will exploit workers through systems that tolerate loopholes and weak oversight. If Indonesian border controls and labor enforcement are slow or disconnected, firms take advantage.

But that is not a reason to accept weak enforcement. That is a reason to fix it. Indonesia must build regimes that verify legal status before departure, at entry points, and at workplaces, so that undocumented workers never begin unauthorized employment.

Indonesia’s enforcement must be preventive, not reactive. Immigration systems must be linked with labor permit databases so border officials can deny entry to workers without verified authorization. Work permits should be verified before visas are issued.

Labor and immigration officials should coordinate real-time data sharing so unauthorized work is detected before it turns into exploitation. Employers caught trying to hire illegal workers should face penalties that exceed the economic benefit of non-compliance to deter future violations.

China must play a supportive role. Chinese recruitment networks and firms should ensure that workers receive verified Indonesian work permits before departure, with clear and enforceable contracts. Chinese consulates should verify documentation and help workers understand Indonesian legal requirements and protections.

Cooperation on legal labor mobility protects Chinese workers from exploitation and strengthens diplomatic ties based on rule of law and human dignity.

This is not about shutting the door to foreign labor. Many industries in Indonesia rely on foreign expertise that local workers cannot immediately supply. But foreign labor must be legal, transparent and enforceable.

Illegal employment erodes the rule of law and exposes workers to harm without access to protections. And if legal status does not guarantee rights in practice, then the problem is not only documentation, but enforcement of protections after employment begins.

Indonesia must act before illegal workers arrive and before their rights can be violated. China must help ensure that workers entering Indonesia are documented and informed.

Together, these states can prevent Chinese workers from being channeled into illegal, exploitative employment and uphold the legal and human rights protections that labor migration is supposed to guarantee.

Muhammad Zulfikar Rakhmat is director of the China-Indonesia Desk at the Jakarta-based Center of Economic and Law Studies (CELIOS) independent research institute. Yeta Purnama is a researcher at CELIOS.

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